Incarcerated by the Communist regime in Yugoslavia for five arduous years, Alija Izetbegovic penned these treasured philosophical reflections on diverse topics such as freedom, politics, history, religion and morality. Confined to his cell in Foča Prison, Sarajevo, he filled thirteen notebooks with these wonderful pearls of wisdom and managed to smuggle them out with the help of a fellow inmate. These notes are now presented for the first time as part of a series. Notes from Prison is Alija Izetbegovic’s spiritual escape to freedom and makes for an outstandingly unique read, both in form and content.

Originally published in 1903, this collection of political musings (called Anas) was kept by Thomas Jefferson between the years of 1791-1809 to keep track of his political friends and foes. Never one to ever filter much in his private writings this volume offers rare insight into the most complicated and cunning politician of his day.

He has also published Novels especially The Father Mike Series: The Priest and the Prostitutes The Priest and the Assassin The Priest and the Terrorists

Changes in technology and media consumption are transforming the way people communicate about politics. Are they also changing the way politicians communicate to the public? Political Communication in Canada examines the way political parties, politicians, interest groups, the media, and citizens are using new tactics, tools, and channels to disseminate information, and also investigates the implications of these changes. Drawing on recent examples, contributors review such things as the branding of the New Democratic Party, how Stephen Harper’s image is managed, and politicians’ use of Twitter. They also discuss the evolving role of political journalism, including media coverage of politics and how Canadians use the Internet for political discussions. In an era when political communication – from political marketing to citizen journalism – is of vital importance to the workings of government, this timely volume provides insight into the future of Canadian democracy.

This theoretically and empirically grounded book uses case studies of political graffiti in the post-socialist Balkans and Central Europe to explore the use of graffiti as a subversive political media. Despite the increasing global digitisation, graffiti remains widespread and popular, providing with a few words or images a vivid visual indication of cultural conditions, social dynamics and power structures in a society, and provoking a variety of reactions. Using qualitative and quantitative methods, as well as detailed interdisciplinary analyses of "patriotic," extreme-right, soccer-fan, nostalgic, and chauvinist graffiti and street art, it looks at why and by whom graffiti is used as political media and to/against whom it is directed. The book theorises discussions of political graffiti and street art to show different methodological approaches from four perspectives: context, author, the work itself, and audience. It will be of interest to the growing body of literature focussing on (sub)cultural studies in the contemporary Balkans, transitology, visual cultural studies, art theory, anthropology, sociology, and studies of radical politics.

Supporting you with varied features throughout, this intriguing new book provides a foundational understanding of politics and protest before focusing on step-by-step instructions for carrying out analysis on your own. It includes up to date cases, such as analysis of memes about Brexit, Trump and coronavirus, that cater for this quickly moving field.

This book shows that the publishers and editors of the radical press deployed Romantic-era texts for their own political ends—and for their largely working-class readership—long after those works’ original publication. It examines how the literature of the British Romantic period was excerpted and reprinted in radical political papers in Britain in the nineteenth century. The agents of this story were bound by neither the chronological march of literary history, nor by the original form of the literary texts they reprinted. Godwin’s Caleb Williams and poems by Wordsworth, Southey, Coleridge, and Shelley appear throughout this book as they appeared in the nineteenth century, in bits and pieces. Radical publishers and editors carefully and purposefully excerpted the works of their recent past, excavating useful political claims from the midst of less amenable texts, and remaking texts and authors alike in the process.

The Politics and Poetics of Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz examines the role of occasional verse in the works of the celebrated colonial Mexican nun. The poems that Sor Juana wrote for special occasions (birthdays, funerals, religious feasts, coronations, and the like) have been considered inconsequential by literary historians; but from a socio-historical perspective, George Antony Thomas argues they hold a particular interest for scholars of colonial Latin American literature. For Thomas, these compositions establish a particular set of rhetorical strategies, which he labels the author's 'political aesthetics.' He demonstrates how this body of the famous nun's writings, previously overlooked by scholars, sheds new light on Sor Juana's interactions with individuals in colonial society and throughout the Spanish Empire.

Military forces have long been the arbiters of national security and continues to be at the vanguard of assuring the sovereignty and stability of a nation. This is an enduring fact. However, in the past few decades, the role of the military forces have undergone an evolutionary change and now spans a much broader spectrum of activities than ever before. Accordingly, the responsibilities placed on the military forces, especially in democratic nations, have also undergone an upward revision. These changes have altered the status and stature of military forces. This book analyses the changing position of military forces and their relationship with other elements of national power vis-à-vis the need to ensure national security. The analysis is carried out in great detail—starting with a discussion of national policy, grand strategy and their connection to the military forces and ending with a discussion of the status of military forces in the national security calculus. It is arranged into five independent sections that contain twenty chapters. The Sword Arm examines the hypothesis that irrespective of the broad definition of national security that is prevalent in modern times and the whole-of-government approach that most democracies have adopted to ensure the security and safety of the nation, military forces continue to be at the vanguard of national security initiatives. On the other hand, democratic nations have a proclivity to sideline the military forces in times of relative peace, which could be detrimental to the overall security of the nation. The book critically investigates this dichotomy and suggests that in 21st century democracies, military forces need to be strengthened to ensure the security of the nation.

While television has always played a role in recording and curating history, shaping cultural memory, and influencing public sentiment, the changing nature of the medium in the post-network era finds viewers experiencing and participating in this process in new ways. They skim through commercials, live tweet press conferences and award shows, and tune into reality shows to escape reality. This new era, defined by the heightened anxiety and fear ushered in by 9/11, has been documented by our media consumption, production, and reaction. In Small Screen, Big Feels, Melissa Ames asserts that TV has been instrumental in cultivating a shared memory of emotionally charged events unfolding in the United States since September 11, 2001. She analyzes specific shows and genres to illustrate the ways in which cultural fears are embedded into our entertainment in series such as The Walking Dead and Lost or critiqued through programs like The Daily Show. In the final section of the book, Ames provides three audience studies that showcase how viewers consume and circulate emotions in the post-network era: analyses of live tweets from Shonda Rhimes's drama, How to Get Away with Murder (2010–2020), ABC's reality franchises, The Bachelor (2002–present) and The Bachelorette (2003–present), and political coverage of the 2016 Presidential Debates. Though film has been closely studied through the lens of affect theory, little research has been done to apply the same methods to television. Engaging an impressively wide range of texts, genres, media, and formats, Ames offers a trenchant analysis of how televisual programming in the United States responded to and reinforced a cultural climate grounded in fear and anxiety.