Chile, which suffering from many of the same social and economic problems that afflict other Latin American countries, has enjoyed remarkable political stability. With the exception of one brief interlude, Chile has been governed by elected rules for half a century. The feature of Chilean development that explains its exceptional nature in contrast to the rest of Latin America is the special role of the bureaucracy, which functions as a broker for the conflicting demands of both the new and the traditional groups. Yet a strong dichotomy is evident between the entrepreneurial and bureaucratic elites, which have benefited and participated in the dominant society, and the peasantry, which has been largely exploited and excluded from the polity. Petras finds that the attempts to develop a dynamic industrial society in Chile have so far ailed. Chronic problems of slow economic growth and a rigid social system have been managed through a delicate system of political balances involving established parties and interest groups. While this arrangement has contributed to Chile's stability, it has also served to delay the entry of the peasantry and urban lower class into the polity, and as these groups do enter the political arena, they do so as radicals, increasingly hostile to established leaders and institutions. Working with fresh data, Petras considers virtually every aspect of Chile's social, political, and economic development, including industrialization and the roles of the right wing, the middle class, the peasantry, and the bureaucracy; and he gives detailed consideration to the programs and behavior of the Popular Action Front (FRAP) and the Christian Democratic party. In his final chapter,the author hazards a number of predictions concerning the future course of Chilean politics. He anticipates that the present trend toward basic social change will continue and that this will include limitation of the powers and prerogatives of the rich, a greater role for the government in planning and directing the economy, and some outright expropriation. In the long run, a realignment of major politcal forces is probably, with the likely result that opposition to reform will increase. The heavy involvement of North American firms in the Chilean copper-mining industry could lead to a conflict between a national-popular government in the United States. This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press's mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1969.

Chile, which suffering from many of the same social and economic problems that afflict other Latin American countries, has enjoyed remarkable political stability. With the exception of one brief interlude, Chile has been governed by elected rules for half a century. The feature of Chilean development that explains its exceptional nature in contrast to the rest of Latin America is the special role of the bureaucracy, which functions as a broker for the conflicting demands of both the new and the traditional groups. Yet a strong dichotomy is evident between the entrepreneurial and bureaucratic elites, which have benefited and participated in the dominant society, and the peasantry, which has been largely exploited and excluded from the polity. Petras finds that the attempts to develop a dynamic industrial society in Chile have so far ailed. Chronic problems of slow economic growth and a rigid social system have been managed through a delicate system of political balances involving established parties and interest groups. While this arrangement has contributed to Chile's stability, it has also served to delay the entry of the peasantry and urban lower class into the polity, and as these groups do enter the political arena, they do so as radicals, increasingly hostile to established leaders and institutions. Working with fresh data, Petras considers virtually every aspect of Chile's social, political, and economic development, including industrialization and the roles of the right wing, the middle class, the peasantry, and the bureaucracy; and he gives detailed consideration to the programs and behavior of the Popular Action Front (FRAP) and the Christian Democratic party. In his final chapter,the author hazards a number of predictions concerning the future course of Chilean politics. He anticipates that the present trend toward basic social change will continue and that this will include limitation of the powers and prerogatives of the rich, a greater role for the government in planning and directing the economy, and some outright expropriation. In the long run, a realignment of major politcal forces is probably, with the likely result that opposition to reform will increase. The heavy involvement of North American firms in the Chilean copper-mining industry could lead to a conflict between a national-popular government in the United States. This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press's mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1969.

This accessible chapter book, ideal for students and general readers alike, examines the political, social, and cultural history of Chile. Updated and revised from its 2003 edition, The History of Chile serves as a foundational text for those studying and interested in learning about this South American nation. Eleven chronologically-arranged chapters will guide readers through Chilean history, from prehistory to present day. Chapters examine topics such as the origins of Chileans, Chile's period as a Spanish colony, Augusto Pinochet's rule, the country's transition to democracy, and today's challenges in 2018–2019. A timeline, glossary, and appendix of Notable Individuals in the History of Chile round out the text. Written for high school and undergraduate students, but accessible to general readers as well, this volume examines Chile's history through the lenses of politics, economics, and culture and society. Readers will gain a better understanding of how Chile has modernized its economy and is incorporating immigrants.

Chile emerged from military rule in the 1990s as a leader of free market economic reform and democratic stability, and other countries now look to it for lessons in policy design, sequencing, and timing. Explanations for economic change in Chile generally focus on strong authoritarianism under General Augusto Pinochet and the insulation of policymakers from the influence of social groups, especially business and landowners. In this book Eduardo Silva argues that such a view underplays the role of entrepreneurs and landowners in Chile's neoliberal transformation and, hence, their potential effect on economic reform elsewhere. He shows how shifting coalitions of businesspeople and landowners with varying power resources influenced policy formulation and affected policy outcomes. He then examines the consequences of coalitional shifts for Chile's transition to democracy, arguing that the absence of a multiclass opposition that included captialists facilitated a political transition based on the authoritarian constitution of 1980 and inhibited its alternative. This situation helped to define the current style of consensual politics that, with respect to the question of social equity, has deepened a neoliberal model of welfare statism, rather than advanced a social democratic one.

The third edition of Politics in Chile provides significantly updated coverage of Chilean politics and economic development from the return to civilian rule in 1990 to the 2006 election and early administration of Socialist Michelle Bachelet, Chile's first woman president. Lois Hecht Oppenheim focuses on recent efforts to reconstruct democratic practices and institutions, including resolving such sensitive and lingering issues as human-rights violations under Pinochet and civil-military relations. Chapters on the contemporary politics and economics under the civilian Concertaci governments are largely rewritten for this edition. Rather than focusing on the "search for development", the third edition considers in greater depth the "exceptionalism" of the Chilean economic experiment through successive stages of stability, socialism, and neoliberalism.

A new portrait of Henry Kissinger focusing on the fundamental ideas underlying his policies: Realism, balance of power, and national interest. Few public officials have provoked such intense controversy as Henry Kissinger. During his time in the Nixon and Ford administrations, he came to be admired and hated in equal measure. Notoriously, he believed that foreign affairs ought to be based primarily on the power relationships of a situation, not simply on ethics. He went so far as to argue that under certain circumstances America had to protect its national interests even if that meant repressing other countries’ attempts at democracy. For this reason, many today on both the right and left dismiss him as a latter-day Machiavelli, ignoring the breadth and complexity of his thought. With The Inevitability of Tragedy, Barry Gewen corrects this shallow view, presenting the fascinating story of Kissinger’s development as both a strategist and an intellectual and examining his unique role in government through his ideas. It analyzes his contentious policies in Vietnam and Chile, guided by a fresh understanding of his definition of Realism, the belief that world politics is based on an inevitable, tragic competition for power. Crucially, Gewen places Kissinger’s pessimistic thought in a European context. He considers how Kissinger was deeply impacted by his experience as a refugee from Nazi Germany, and explores the links between his notions of power and those of his mentor, Hans Morgenthau—the father of Realism—as well as those of two other German-Jewish émigrés who shared his concerns about the weaknesses of democracy: Leo Strauss and Hannah Arendt. The Inevitability of Tragedy offers a thoughtful perspective on the origins of Kissinger’s sober worldview and argues that a reconsideration of his career is essential at a time when American foreign policy lacks direction.

Questo volume intende fornire un contributo alla riflessione sulla storia politica e sociale dell'America Latina illustrando la grande varietà delle ideologie e delle storie politiche delle nazioni latino-americane, dall'inizio del nostro secolo sino al periodo più recente. Annotation Supplied by Informazioni Editoriali

In this informative and highly readable book, first published in 1988, Charles Andrain explores the ways in which public policies and socio-political beliefs and structures cause political change in the Third World. The author examines 3 types of political change: (1) transitions in political leaders and their policies, (2) fundamental transformations in political structures, policy priorities, and political strategies for dealing with policy issues; and (3) the impact of economic, education, and health care policies on the society itself (including changes in unemployment, inflation, economic growth, literacy and birth and death rates). In the first part of the book, Professor Andrain presents a general overview of political change in the Third World, explaining how different models of political systems explain the dynamics of political events in Latin America, Asia, Africa and the Middle East. In the second part of the book, he then applies these models to specific changes in five developing nations: Vietnam, Cuba, Chile, Nigeria and Iran. The book is unique in its careful blending of a policy focus with a structural analysis of nation states, domestic social groups, and international institutions in the often turbulent regions of the developing world. It thus provides a very useful systematic approach to political developments in the Third World that will be welcomed by students, faculty and general readers.

This book offers a new ideology critique for political analysis by revisiting Habermas via a Žižekian reading. The book includes an application of the theory to the case of the political consensus reached in Chile's post-Pinochet.