Practicing Post-Liberal Peacebuilding engages with one of the central debates in Peace and Conflict Studies and International Relations. The book's innovation lies in the introduction and application of 'practice theory' to develop a critical methodology for mapping the everyday practices of post-liberal hybridity in Liberia.

Drawing on decolonial perspectives on peace, statehood and development, this illuminating book examines post-liberal statebuilding in Central Asia. Through its analysis, the book highlights the problem with assumptions about liberal democracy, modern statehood and capitalist development as the standard template for post-conflict countries.

This book explores recent developments in the concept of hybridity through a multi-disciplinary perspective, bringing ideas about legal plurality together with the fields of peace, development and cultural studies. Analysing the concepts of hybridity and hybridization, their history, their application in law and legal studies, and their implications for thinking and rethinking legal plurality, the book shows how the concept of hybridity can contribute to an understanding of the processes that occur when different normative or legal orders or frameworks confront each other.

This book offers a state-of-the-art examination of peacemaking, looking at its theoretical assumptions, empirical applications and its consequences. Despite the wealth of research on external interventions and practices of Western peacebuilding, many scholars tend to rely on findings in the so-called 'post-agreement' phase of interventions. As a result, most mainstream peacebuilding literature pays limited or no attention to the linkages that exist between mediation practices in the negotiation phase and processes in the post-peace agreement phase of intervention. By linking the motives and practices of interveners during negotiation and implementation phases into a more integrated theoretical framework, this book makes a unique contribution to the on-going debate on the so-called Western ‘liberal’ models of peacebuilding. Drawing upon in-depth case-studies from various different regions of the world including Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, Afghanistan, Sudan, Ivory Coast, Senegal and Sierra Leone, this innovative volume examines a variety of political motives behind third party interventions, thus challenging the very founding concept of mediation literature. This book will of much interest to students of peacebuilding, statebuilding, peacemaking, war and conflict studies, security studies and IR in general.

This book examines the logic behind the shifts and paradigm changes within the scholarship on peacebuilding. In particular, the book is concerned with examining if, and how, these shifts have significantly altered how we think about peacebuilding beyond the ‘liberal peacebuilding’ paradigm. To do so, the book engages with the logic of critique that has led to the emergence of different theoretical approaches to peacebuilding, from hands-on institutionalisation, to the ‘local turn’. It uses the case of Kosovo to understand how a lessons-learnt approach facilitated the shift towards more invasive and intrusive forms of peacebuilding first. However, it is also crucial to understanding the recent local turn, as the rise of local ownership discourses in Kosovo is fundamentally tied to the critiques of extensive international missions, and the associated resistance and marginalisation of local agency. The book examines the implications of the framing of ‘everyday’ agency in order to assess the extent to which these bottom-up approaches have been able to by-pass the problems attributed to the liberal peace approach. It argues that despite its critical and radical intentions, the local turn retains certain foundational modernist and positivist qualities that have so far characterised the very mainstream approaches these critiques claim to transcend. This book will be of much interest to students of peacebuilding, statebuilding, peace and conflict studies, security studies and International Relations in general.

Africa; Sierra Leone; Afghanistan; Bosnia-Herzegovina; Timor-Leste; Sri Lanka; Palestine; Israel; United Nations; Lebanon; Cambodia; Central America.

"This report explores the partnership between the EU and the UN in peacebuilding. It shows that although both organizations employ a mix of crisis management instruments and aid intended to address structural risk factors, there is little agreement on what works and how these instruments should be combined. It confirms that the European Commission funding relationship with the UN is increasingly significant in fragile states, while policies are not always aligned. This report argues that the key to strengthening operational partnerships is to move the needs assessment, planning, priority setting and resource allocation to the country level, and to ensure that assistance is controlled by a partnership of national and international actors." -- back cover.

Bachelor Thesis from the year 2016 in the subject Politics - Topic: Peace and Conflict, Security, grade: First Class Honours - 74, University of Exeter (College of Social Sciences and International Studies), course: BA International Relations, language: English, abstract: This dissertation illustrates the ‘two faces’ of Rwanda’s formal education system in contributing to the creation of a sustainable, positive peace in the post-genocide state. In conveying this argument, it employs the emergent ‘Four Rs Theoretical Framework’ - which is grounded within the foundational Comprehensive Conflict Transformation Model of peacebuilding theory - to undertake a qualitative methodological evaluation of official primary documents and secondary sources. Through its appraisal of the developments of both the structure and the content of the Rwandan education system since 1994, this paper highlights the mixed record of Rwanda’s formal education system in terms of its contribution to the nation’s wider peacebuilding project. On the one hand, significant progress in all constituent components of the ‘Four Rs’ framework is observable. Policy changes to both its core foundations and its overarching curriculum have promoted elements of redistribution, representation, recognition and reconciliation in Rwanda. By facilitating the necessary personal, social, cultural and structural transformative processes, therefore, Rwanda’s education system has gone some way in helping to build the infrastructure required for a sustainable, positive peace in the nation. On the other hand, however, this paper also seeks to draw attention to the evidence which suggests that today’s post-genocide schools in Rwanda are in danger of undermining the nation’s initial successes in building peace. The reflection and amplification of inequalities and exclusion throughout the central features of the education system risk constraining and potentially destabilising the nation’s peacebuilding mission.

These negotiation incentives can involve inclusion of previously excluded or outlawed groups as legitimate political parties, sharing of resources with such groups, inclusion of former combatants in reformed military or police forces, and offers of partial or complete autonomy. This approach is largely used to bring non-state armed groups into negotiations, rather than as leverage on governments themselves. The book, drawing upon studies in Sri Lanka, Sudan, and Colombia, demonstrates the limitations and even dangers of using such strategies."--BOOK JACKET.