Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States

Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States

Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States

Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States

Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States

This collection of primary sources, illuminated by extensive contextual analysis, provides a comprehensive and balanced survey of the evolution of global climate change policies and politics in the United States. This extensive collection of primary documents examines the history of climate science; various policy prescriptions for addressing the effects of climate change; political fault lines with respect to international efforts to address global warming; claims regarding the influence of industry groups and environmental "radicals" on climate policy and science; and the impact of climate change on other policy areas such as public health, energy, economic development, and wilderness conservation. The set includes excerpts from important scientific papers and government reports, political speeches from presidents and other influential lawmakers, perspectives from environmental activists and conservative think-tanks, editorial essays from leading media figures, provisions of major laws, and more. Together, these documents provide a broad range of perspectives, from scientific fields as well as from political and ideological standpoints that have emerged in response to the debate surrounding climate change. They offer readers a greater understanding of the arguments not only of lawmakers, activists, and scientists leading efforts to fight, mitigate, and adapt to climate change but also of those skeptical of climate change.

Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States

The non-use of biological weapons has been described as the 'great mystery of biological warfare.' The Biological Weapons Taboo solves that mystery by analysing the bioweapons taboo, in the first comprehensive study of the concept. Bentley explains precisely why bioweapons are perceived as repulsive and how this sentiment is consequently expressed in the form of political behaviours, including the refusal to engage in biological aggression. Drawing on extensive archival evidence, this volume looks back on United States' foreign policy decision-making (particularly in relation to the Geneva Protocol and the Biological Weapons Convention) to demonstrate how and why the taboo has comprised a decisive factor in shaping both biowarfare strategy and political rhetoric - and why the taboo needs to be recognised as a necessary consideration in the study of bioweapons. In analysing a taboo, the volume also takes the debate on international norms forward by questioning and challenging the wider analytic comprehension of 'taboo' itself. Rejecting current definitions of the concept as inadequate, Bentley proposes a new and original model of understanding based on the normative characteristics of disgust, stigmatization, and fetishization.

Most historians of the American presidency—walking in lockstep with today’s hard-Left academic establishment—favor presidents who were big-government statists and globalists. They dislike presidents who lowered taxes, protected American workers, and avoided getting the United States entangled in foreign conflicts that had nothing to do with protecting the American people. It is through that prism that they see all of American history. It’s time for a change. Nowadays, with socialism massively discredited and internationalism facing more opposition than it has since before World War II, it’s time to reevaluate what the Leftist historians have told us. Donald Trump was elected president pledging to put America First, as any nation’s leader should put his or her own people first. There needs to be an America-First reevaluation of him and his predecessors. This book, therefore, rates the presidents not on the basis of criteria developed by socialist internationalist historians, but on their fidelity to the United States Constitution and to the powers, and limits to those powers, of the president as delineated by the Founding Fathers. America’s presidents are rated on the extent to which they put America First—not in the sense of a narrow isolationism, but whether they really advanced the interests of the American people. This upends the conventional wisdom about a great deal of American history and present-day reality, and is intended to do so. This book offers what should be the only criteria for rating the occupants of the White House: were they good for America?

During World War II the “special relationship” between the United States and Great Britain cemented the alliance that won the war. But the ultimate victory of that partnership has obscured many of the conflicts behind Franklin Roosevelt’s grins and Winston Churchill’s victory signs, the clashes of principles and especially personalities between and within the two nations. Synthesizing an impressive variety of sources from memoirs and letters to histories and biographies, Lewis Lehrman explains how the Anglo-American alliance worked--and occasionally did not work--by presenting portraits and case studies of the men who worked the back channels and back rooms, the secretaries and under secretaries, ambassadors and ministers, responsible for carrying out Roosevelt’s and Churchill’s agendas while also pursuing their own and thwarting others’. This was the domain of Joseph Kennedy, American ambassador to England often at odds with his boss; spymasters William Donovan and William Stephenson; Secretary of State Cordell Hull, whom FDR frequently bypassed in favor of Under Secretary Sumner Welles; British ambassadors Lord Lothian and Lord Halifax; and, above them all, Roosevelt and Churchill, who had the difficult task, not always well performed, of managing their subordinates and who frequently chose to conduct foreign policy directly between themselves. Scrupulous in its research and fair in its judgments, Lehrman’s book reveals the personal diplomacy at the core of the Anglo-American alliance.