First Published in 1988. The author's arguments are a response to five recent and controversial books: Thomas Sowell's Markets and Minorities and Civil Rights: Rhetoric or Reality?, Walter Williams's State Against Blacks, George Gilder's Wealth and Poverty, and William J. Wilson's Declining Significance of Race. These authors insist that racial discrimination can no longer explain the disadvantaged position of blacks in American society; indeed, while sociologists argue that class has become more important than race, conservative economists insist that disparities in earnings are a fair reflection of racial differences in education, skills, and similar measures of productivity. Free markets, they contend, are anathemas to racial discrimination. Dr Boston demonstrates that these views lack empirical support and explains how discrimination persists in labor markets. While acknowledging that class position is increasingly important he nevertheless illustrates how black class stratification itself uniquely reflects racial subjugation. But in the author's own words, 'These findings will not be received comfortably by conservatives because they are just another chapter in the continuing saga of why their revolution has failed so miserably. Flawed theory creates failed policies'. Yet his book is of major importance in understanding the current position of black people in society and the reality that has to be addressed in contemporary public policy. More than this he provides a solution to the riddle of race and class which has eluded social investigators for decades.

This book is a rebuttal of conservative economists and sociologists on the role of race in social advancement. The author's arguments are in response to: Thomas Sowell's Markets and Minorities and Civil Rights: Rhetoric or Reality?; Walter Williams' State Against Blacks; George Gilder's Wealth and Poverty; and William J. Wilson's Declining Significance of Race. These authors maintain that racial discrimination can no longer explain the disadvantaged position of blacks in American society; indeed, while sociologist argue that class has become more important than race, conservative economists insist that disparities in earnings are a fair reflection of racial differences in education, skills and similar measures of productivity. Free markets, they contend, are anathemas to racial discrimination. The author shows why these views are unsubstantiated and explains how discrimination persists in labor markets.

Conservatism in the Black Community examines the contemporary meanings of Black Conservatism and its influence on black political behavior, providing a basis for understanding the impact this phenomenon has on black political behavior. Lewis analyzes conservatism within the black ideological framework, while also explaining the meaning of conservatism in the black community. While scholars have argued that the level of support for conservatism among blacks is minimal because conservatism is antithetical to black interest, there are a cadre of conservative political intellectuals and political elites in America. Do their views influence those of the wider Black population? Or does the media merely amplify their voices but with little support? What part of contemporary Black conservatism has found a home in the Tea Party movement? Focusing on what conservatism means to Blacks at the grassroots level and in what issue areas Blacks as a whole tend to have more conservative views, this work neither critiques nor praises Black Conservatism. The results of Lewis’s mix of quantitative and qualitative methodologies will be of strong interest to students and scholars of Black politics, Black studies, and political behavior more generally.

The Crisis of Conservatism gathers a broad range of leading scholars of conservatism to assess the current state of the movement in the U.S. and where it is most likely headed in the near future.

The forty-three chapters in African Americans in the U.S. Economy focus on various aspects of the economic status of African Americans, past and present. Taken together, these essays present two related themes: first, when it comes to economics, race matters; second, racial economic discrimination and inequality persist despite the optimistic predictions of standard economic analysis that racial discrimination cannot thrive in a free-market economy. Visit our website for sample chapters!

The Great Melding: War, the Dixiecrat Rebellion, and the Southern Road to America's New Conservatism is the second book in Glenn Feldman's groundbreaking series on how the American South switched its allegiance from the Democratic to the Republican Party in the twentieth century.

List of IllustrationsList of TablesAcknowledgmentsIntroductionPart I. The Quest for Independence, 1920-19401. Building Independence in Suburbia2. Peopling the Subur 3. The Texture of Everyday Life4. The Politics of IndependencePart II. Closing Ranks, 1940-19655. "A Beautiful Place"6. The Suburban Good Life Arrives7. The Racializing of Local PoliticsEpilogueAcronyms for Collections and ArchivesNotes Copyright © Libri GmbH. All rights reserved.

This book provides insight into how San Francisco's progressive coalition developed between 1975 and 1991, what stresses emerged to cause splintering within the coalition, and how it fell apart in the 1991 mayoral campaign. DeLeon analyzes the success and failures of the progressive movement as it toppled the business-dominated pro-growth regime, imposed stringent controls on growth and development, and achieved political control of city hall.