This provocative critique of Washington's current security policies, draws on the arguments made by an array of non-interventionist and conservative-nationalist scholars. It provides a blueprint for a more restrained and unilateral US role in global affairs.

As the twelfth most populous nation, the Philippines diverse religious and ethnic population makes it an ideal example of the changing tenet of what is deemed national security post 9/11. Issues previously considered social or public are now viewed as security issues. Food production is now analyzed in the context of food security and environmenta

The Limits of Alignment is an engaging and accessible study that explores how small states and middle powers of Southeast Asia ensure their security in a world where they are overshadowed by greater powers. John D. Ciorciari challenges a central concept in international relations theory—that states respond to insecurity by either balancing against their principal foes, “bandwagoning” with them, or declaring themselves neutral. Instead, he shows that developing countries prefer limited alignments that steer between strict neutrality and formal alliances to obtain the fruits of security cooperation without the perils of undue dependency. Ciorciari also shows how structural and normative shifts following the end of the Cold War and the advent of U.S. primacy have increased the prevalence of limited alignments in the developing world and that these can often place constraints on U.S. foreign policy. Finally, he discusses how limited alignments in the developing world may affect the future course of international security as China and other rising powers gather influence on the world stage.

This edited volume analyses the naval arms race in South-East Asia, and reviews the content, purposes and consequences of the naval policies and development of the main countries of the region. The rise of naval capability in the countries of the Asia-Pacific Region is increasingly recognised as a major indicator of the ‘rise of Asia’ and its increasing importance in the world’s political, economic and strategic future. Most coverage focusses solely on the navies of the 'big four' – the US, China, India and Japan; however, the region’s other navies, though much smaller, are significant too. Given the current focus on the South China Sea and the Obama administration’s pivot to Asia, naval development in South-East Asia is of particular relevance. This book first identifies the issues involved in defence acquisition in this area. It then goes on to establish some templates of naval modernisation as a means of assessing the policies of individual countries in the region, by looking at the naval policies of the big four. Finally, the general issue of naval modernisation in South-East Asia is illustrated through a more detailed examination of some of the major issues common to all countries of the area. These include the defence-industrial perspective, specific examinations of submarine and surface ship acquisition processes, and a review of the balance to be struck between naval and coastguard forces in the area. This book will be of much interest to students of naval power, maritime security, South-East Asian politics, strategic studies, and IR in general.

This seven-chapter book examines the background to and consequences of the disputed occupation of Mischief Reef in the Spratly Islands group of the South China Sea (SCS) by the People’s Republic of China (PRC), from the mid-1990s to the present day. Although Mischief Reef has received significant media attention and has been discussed in academic journal articles and policy research reports, no books on the topic have appeared since a 30-page publication in 1996. By covering the topic in historical, domestic political, legal, economic, strategic, and geo-political terms, this book not only fills a gap on a particularly important issue with global consequences, but also acts as a follow-on to a previous Palgrave book by this author on another maritime dispute, Socotra Rock. This book will be of interest to journalists, scholars and legal theorists researching the implications of China's rise for maritime disputes in East Asia.

Abu Sayyaf (AS) emerged in 1990 as a splinter group composed of former MNLF fighters and Filipinos who had fought in Afghanistan. It resorted to terrorist tactics, including executions of civilians, bombings, and increasingly kidnappings for ransom. The AS leadership established links with Jeemah Islamiah, an Al Qaeda-affiliated group in SE Asia that used Mindanao for training and organizing terrorist strikes. Contents of this report: The Philippine Response to 9/11; Historic Muslim Insurgency; AS: Origins, Strength, and Operations; Connections to Al Qaeda and Jeemah Islamiah; Links to the MILF; Philippine Gov¿t. and AFP Policies and Oper.; The 2002 Balikatan Oper.: U.S. Support Role on Jolo Island and in W. Mindanao; U.S. Military Involvement.

"This monograph examines the dynamics of China's energy security dilemma and the role of the People's Liberation Army Navy (PLAN). Following this, PLAN development is discussed and its future role in regional security is hypothesized. This report argues that it is domestic market inefficiencies and poor management practices that pose the greatest threat to China's energy security. Further, less and less of Chinese energy imports are making their way to the country by sea; thus the PLAN actually has a minimal role to play. Given these realities, Chinese fears of a naval blockade that deprives it of energy supplies, as well as American confidence that this is a realistic strategic option in the event of hostilities are implausible. In addition, Beijing's desire to develop aircraft carriers and other high-tech naval capabilities combined with its contribution to the anti-piracy mission in the Gulf of Aden have led many analysts to erroneously conclude that China seeks to engage in global power projection like the United States. However, the focus of the PLAN will remain regional and on asymmetric capabilities, namely the effective use of submarines and other undersea devices that ultimately seek to deter American and possible Japanese involvement in a conflict over Taiwan and/or in the South China Sea, such as the Spratly Islands, which China views as inalienable parts of its territory. Although China's interests are expanding and becoming more international in nature, recovering from the century of humiliation and ensuring domestic legitimacy remain the top priorities of China's leadership."--P. vii.