To the surprise of many students of the Soviet Union, religion has shown itself to be a force still powerful in Soviet society. In contrast, the impact of religion in developed Western societies has declined. Dr. Dunn points out that the study of this antinomy can shed light on the entire concept of "modernization" in the U.S.S.R. The study of the

First Published in 1988. Understanding Soviet Society has grown out of the authors’ experience as sociologists researching and teaching about the Soviet Union. Meant initially as an update to ‘Contemporary Soviet Society: Sociological Perspectives’ from 1980, this became a new volume because of the addition of six new authors, but also because of the major changes occurring in the USSR today that in many ways necessitated new approaches. It examines the fundamnetal institutions of Soviet society- from work and social welfare to politics and the Party- in order order to provide an objective understanding of the social underpinnigs of the Soviet System.

Religious organizations in many countries of the communist world have served as agents for the preservation, defense, and reinforcement of nationalist feelings, and in playing this role have frequently been a source of frustration to the Communist Party elites. Although the relationship between governments and religious groups varies according to the particular country and group in question, the mosaic of these relationships constitutes a revealing picture of the political reform shaping the lives of Soviet and East European citizens.

This book, first published in 1985, examines the problem of nationality in the Soviet empire. Nationality issues affect many of the critical domestic and foreign policy questions that faced the Soviet leadership. Nationality trends in the 1980s conduced to make the relationship between Soviet domestic nationality concerns and Soviet foreign policy clearer: the problem both affected and was affected by its strategic environment. This book analyses this environment and the forces at work within it.

The Treaty of Riga of March 1921 did not signify real peace. It was soon followed by the outbreak of a Polish-Soviet cold war, which in the early 1920s threatened to reach a boiling point. One of the salient fronts on which it was fought was Ukraine and the Ukrainian question. The means by which it was waged – first by Poland, and subsequently, more successfully, by the Soviets – was by attempts to stir up centrifugal tendencies on enemy territory, leading eventually to the splitting up of the neighboring state along its national seams. Polish-Soviet rivalry over Ukraine had flared up at the Riga peace conference. In the following years both antagonists struggled to win over the sympathies of Ukrainians living on either side of the frontier River Zbrucz (Zbruch) and dispersed in various émigré centers, and the weapons employed were propaganda, diplomacy, nationalities policy, economic projects, political subterfuge, and armed irredentism. Jan Jacek Bruski's book addresses the first, very important phase of this Polish-Soviet tussle.

The editors express their gratitude to the John M. Olin Foundation for its financial assistance and to the Harvard University Russian Research Center for the facilities and staff support that made this project possible. We wish to thank those who contributed their invaluable scholarly advice, including Vernon Aspaturian, Abram Bergson, Steven Blank, Walker Connor, Robert Conquest, Murray Feshbach, Erich Goldhagen, Richard Pipes, and Marc Raeff. We gratefully acknowledge the assistance of Barbara A. Anderson and Brian D. Silver with Soviet demographic data used throughout the volume. Susan Zayer and Karen Taylor-Brovkin provided able administrative help. For skillful technical assistance with the manuscript we are indebted to Jane Prokop, Elizabeth Taylor, and Alison Koff. Catherine Reed, Susan Gardos-Bleich, Christine Porto, and Alex Sich helped generously in diverse ways. Finally, the editors profited at every stage from the congenial working atmosphere and the encouragement of colleagues at the Russian Research Center too numerous to mention. To all of them goes our deep appreciation.

The Catholic Church and the various communist governments of Europe have been vitally involved in the process of detente, moving from the silence of the Cold War to the stage of dialogue despite the persistence of religious persecution in the communist world. In this detailed study of recent developments, Professor Dunn discusses the motivating factors in papal-communist relations and chronicles the major events in détente policy in the Soviet Union and those countries of Eastern Europe—Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and Yugo-slavia--Where the Catholic Church is at least nominally the religion of 30% or more of the population.

For several years now, Russia has been trying to justify her neo-imperialist policies towards Ukraine, promoting the vision of a common “Orthodox civilization,” in reference to the religious and cultural spheres. The Russian Orthodox Church is an important element of “soft power,” whose help the Kremlin authorities are seeking in conducting their policies towards the so-called “near-abroad.” Ukraine comprises an exceptionally important place in this sphere. This book analyzes the role of religion and Eastern Christian communities in Ukrainian social and political life, and the political, social, cultural and civilizational conditions for the development of religious life in Ukraine. Particular attention is focused on the problem of institutionalizing Eastern Christian communities after the collapse of the USSR. This monograph presents the conditions under which this process in post-Soviet Ukraine is carried out and the way in which it is linked to the functioning of the Ukrainian political system. This allows one to gain a new perspective on this system and capture its essence more fully. Primarily, this concerns the question of its democratic or non-democratic character. The book is an interdisciplinary research monograph, and, as such, will be useful to researchers interested in the post-Soviet space from the perspective of various disciplines, including political sciences, history, sociology and religious studies. The research and editing of the book were supported by National Science Centre Poland – grant number 2011/01/B/HS5/00911.

Moving from the adoption of the "post-Stalin" Constitution of 1977 through its subsequent implementation under Brezhnev, Andropov, and Chernenko to the radical legal "restructuring" of the Gorbachev years, Robert Sharlet traces the gradual evolution of a nascent constitutionalism in the erstwhile USSR. Sharlet, a noted authority on Soviet law and constitutional development, demonstrates the gradual transformation of law from an instrument of Communist Party rule into the new "rules of the game" for nonauthoritarian political development. In effect, he argues, one of Gorbachev's most durable achievements may be his redefinition of Soviet politics into a legal idiom along with his relocation of policymaking from behind the closed doors of Party conclaves into the more open, emergent arena of constitutional government. In analyzing the politics of law from the Brezhnev era to the rise of Yeltsin, the author takes account of the "war of laws", the symbolic uses of the Soviet constitution, and even the fact that the leaders of the failed coup attempted to justify their seizure of power on constitutional grounds. Constitutionalism has sufficiently suffused Soviet public life, the book concludes, that most of the sovereign republics as successors to the former USSR, have begun designing their futures - to varying degrees - in constitutional forms.