This book chronologically analyzes thirteen key US Presidents, from Washington to Trump, to highlight how religion has informed or influence their politics and policies. For years, leading scholars have largely neglected religion in presidential studies. Yet, religion has played a significant role in a number of critical presidencies in US history. This volume reveals the deep religious side to such presidents as Truman, Eisenhower, and Reagan, among others, and the impact that faith had on their administrations. Now in its third edition, this work also provides a fresh look at the legacy of Obama’s faith-based administration, as well as a new chapter on the 2016 Trump campaign’s dependence on religious voters to provide a timely update to a key text in the study of religion and the presidency.

This volume opens a new avenue toward understanding the politics and policies of many US presidents. As the essays in this book reveal, religion has had an enormous impact on many critical presidencies in US history. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, these essays reveal the deeply religious side to Truman, Eisenhower, and Reagan, among others.

This book challenges the idea that the mixing of religion and presidential politics is a new phenomenon. It explores how presidents have drawn on their religious upbringing, rhetoric, ideas, and beliefs to promote their domestic and foreign policies to the nation. This influence is evident in Washington's decision to add "so help me God" to the presidential oath, accusations by Adam's supporters that Jefferson was an infidel, Lincoln's biblical metaphors during the Civil War, and FDR's call to fight against Nazi totalitarianism on behalf of Judeo-Christian civilization. It is also apparent in Truman's support for Israel, Eisenhower's Cold War decision to add "In God We Trust" on American currency, the debate over JFK's Catholicism, Jimmy Carter's born-again Christianity, Reagan's "Evil Empire" speech, Clinton's public repentance, and George W. Bush's "crusade" against Islamic terrorists. This volume explores these issues of religion and power in the presidencies of Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Lincoln, FDR, Truman, Eisenhower, JFK, Carter, Reagan, George H. W. Bush, Clinton, and George W. Bush through scholarly interpretations, primary sources, and illustrations.

Discusses the management and operation of U. S. food aid programs.

The role that race and religion play in American presidential elections is attracting national attention like never before. The 2008 presidential candidates reached out to an unprecedented number of racial and religious voting constituencies including African Americans, Latinos, Muslims, Mainline Protestants, Catholics, Evangelicals, Jews, women, the non-religious, and more. Religion, Race, and the American Presidency focuses on the roles of these racial and religious groups in presidential elections over the last forty years, and in elections since 2000 in particular. Drawing upon survey data, interviews, and case studies of recent presidents, the contributors examine the complicated relationships between American presidents and key racial and religious groups. The paperback edition features a new capstone chapter on the 2008 elections. Contributions by Brian Robert Calfano, David G. Dalin, Paul A. Djupe, Gastón Espinosa, John C. Green, Melissa V. Harris-Lacewell, Lyman A. Kellstedt, So Young Kim, David C. Leege, Laura R. Olson, Corwin Smidt, Katherine E. Stenger, and Adam L. Warber.

George W. Bush's religiosity has invited much analysis and controversy about the impact of religion on government. This collection of leading scholars' essays first examines the impact of various religions voting groups on the 2004 presidential campaign, and then reviews and assesses the impact of religion on the policies of the Bush presidency.

My frustration and disappointment with the media coverage of the 2008 and 2012 presidential elections prompted me to write this book. I feel strongly about correcting the misinformation, the presentation of fabrications as truth, and the blatant demonizing of the experiences and perspectives of others. I made up my mind that I wanted to address these issues the best way that I know how. Politics involving religion and moral issues, particularly in the areas of Christianity, African American religion, and Black Liberation Theologyare my areas of interest and expertise. At different times, I have taught classes at the university level involving these topics, and with the encouragement of my students, I wish to address them in this book. Drilling down to the root cause of the anti-Obama rhetoric coming from Republicans and Christian conservatives not only provided useful talking points for my introductory course in Africana Studies, but the issue became personal and convinced me to embark on this project.

Shortly after the end of the Second World War, President Harry S Truman declared his support for the creation and maintenance of the modern state of Israel, basing that support on religious and theological grounds. This is the first book to explore the connection between the religious backgrounds and beliefs of U.S. presidents in relation to their policies toward Israel. From Truman to Ford, U.S. presidents relied, in part, on their religious and moral commitments to support their policies and views toward Israel. Beginning with Carter, however, presidents have abandoned the role of champions of Israel to become champion of the Peace Process, stressing peace and a secular approach that rises above the religious and theological fray. And yet, even in the context of this attempted fair-mindedness, U.S. presidents reveal their personal religious and moral beliefs in their responses to the issue of Israel. Today, George W. Bush, one of the most vocally religious presidents, seems poised to take up the tradition once again of relying on his religious convictions to justify his positions toward the Arab-Israeli conflict. Here, Merkley argues that while faith alone does not determine action, or that it even has a controlling influence, religious belief does play a role in the policies that U.S. presidents, and the nation, adopt toward Israel. When Truman declared, I am Cyrus, he was emphatically grounding his support of the modern state of Israel in his belief in the Bible. Referring to the Persian king who allowed the Jews to return to Israel, and to build the Second Temple, Truman revealed his religious commitments and supported his policies on biblical grounds. Bringing to the fore neglected evidence of the role of religious belief in policies toward Israel, Merkley explores an overlooked aspect of presidential decision-making, suggesting that religion, while not the only factor, is at least among the influences that determine a president's view of the Arab-Israeli conflict. From Truman to Ford, policies often reflected the Evangelical traditions that dictated unyielding support of Israel, but with Carter's commitment to the peace process above all else, the trend turned toward moral absolutes and more general religious beliefs that could sustain arguments for a negotiated peace. George W. Bush, thus far, however, has clearly demonstrated his personal religious beliefs and may, in the end, reclaim the mantle of Cyrus.