Inequality in the United States has reached staggering proportions, with a massive share of wealth held by the very richest. How was such a dramatic shift in favor of a narrow elite possible in a democratic society? David N. Gibbs explores the forces that shaped the turn toward free market economics and wealth concentration and finds their roots in the 1970s. He argues that the political transformations of this period resulted from a “revolt of the rich,” whose defense of their class interests came at the expense of the American public. Drawing on extensive archival research, Gibbs examines how elites established broad coalitions that brought together business conservatives, social traditionalists, and militarists. At the very top, Richard Nixon’s administration quietly urged corporate executives to fund conservative think tanks and seeded federal agencies with free-market economists. Even Jimmy Carter’s ostensibly liberal administration brought deregulation to the financial sector along with the imposition of severe austerity measures that hurt the living standards of the working class. Through a potent influence campaign, academics and intellectuals sold laissez-faire to policy makers and the public, justifying choices to deregulate industry, cut social spending, curb organized labor, and offshore jobs, alongside expanding military interventions overseas. Shedding new light on the political alliances and policy decisions that tilted the playing field toward the ultrawealthy, Revolt of the Rich unveils the origins of today’s stark disparities.

Recently, American youth have demonstrated en masse about a variety of issues ranging from economic injustice and massive inequality to drastic cuts in education and public services. Youth in Revolt chronicles the escalating backlash against dissent and peaceful protest while exposing a lack of governmental concern for society's most vulnerable populations. Henry Giroux carefully documents a wide range of phenomena, from pervasive violent imagery in our popular culture to educational racism, censorship, and the growing economic inequality we face. He challenges the reader to consider the hope for democratic renewal embodied by Occupy Wall Street and other emerging movements. Encouraging a capacity for critical thought, compassion, and informed judgment, Giroux's analysis allows us to rethink the very nature of what democracy means and what it might look like in the United States and beyond.

The First Jewish Revolt against Rome is arguably the most decisive event in the history of Judaism and Christianity. The destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem in 70 CE by the Roman General Titus forced a transformation in structure and form for both of these fraternal religions. Yet despite its importance, little has been written on the First Revolt, its causes, implications and the facts surrounding it. In this volume, Andrea M. Berlin and J. Andrew Overman have gathered the foremost scholars on the period to discuss and debate this pivotal historical event. The contributions explore both Roman and Jewish perspectives on the Revolt, looking at its history and archaeology, and finally examining the ideology and interpretation of the revolt in subsequent history and myth.

1975. Christopher Reed, a young minister in his first job, receives much-needed seasoning, is necessarily disillusioned. How? On one level by having an affair with Becky Grierson, one of his teen-aged parishioners. But the affair is begun on a theological dare so to speak, in order to test an intriguing vision of the freedom of the Gospel which Dr. Buttrick, the senior pastor under whom Reed works, a truly Christ-like man (though it depends, of course, on what your image of Jesus is) has presented. "Scrupulous," or guilt-stricken, Reed tells his wife Vinnie, an artist and a free-thinker, what he has done with Becky. Vinnie erupts, then curiously, over time, adjusts, gradually accommodates herself, allows the affair to continue. Reed also tells Dr. Buttrick what he has done. Great-spirited, a wise old man, a genius, Dr. Buttrick listens and counsels. He counsels both Reed and Vinnie. The three of them discuss the limits of marriage, the relevance of Christianity to same. Vinnie and Dr. Buttrick have their own intense relationship. Meanwhile the meteoric Becky moves through her senior year in high school, fights free of her youth and prepares to leave for college. Obsessed almost, Reed suffers at the prospect of "losing" her. And grows in some way as a person or at least as a pastor, learning to expect less of the flock which he supposedly leads, since if often acts less than nobly. Some members even turn on Dr. Buttrick, the genuinely good man, in the year of the novels action.

This is the first study to provide a comprehensive picture of the revolt brought about by American radical historians in the 1960s and 1970s. With the turbulent sixties as a backdrop, the work of radical luminaries like Eugene Genovese, Herbert Gutman, Staughton Lynd, William Appleman Williams and Howard Zinn is discussed. These historians made a significant contribution to present-day notions about slavery, working-class history, the New Deal, the Cold War and a wealth of other subjects. Their main target was American liberalism. Radical criticism centered on the liberal concepts of the division of power and of the nature of man. The acrimonious debate which ensued tore the historical profession apart. Therefore most historians have stressed the disagreements between liberals and radicals. Yet, in this study it will be argued that in some respects the radicals were part and parcel of mainstream historiography, though they presented a radical version of it.

William Guy (when he is not traveling) lives and writes in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. He is the author of Gravitys Revolt, a novel; Defunctive Music, a book of poems;A Travelers Education; Magic Casements; and Something Sensational, three books of travel essays. With William Orr he is the author of Living Hope: a Study of the New Testament Theme of Birth from Above. He has completed a translation of The Iliad. He is presently at work on The Lyndoniad, a book of interrelated poems about the year 1968, a long poem containing history (he hopes).

The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 signalled the end of not just communism but also of capitalism. The removal of its dialectical Cold War enemy allowed capitalism to release the brakes and bring about an enormous transfer of wealth from the ordinary people to the privileged elite. It is estimated that the richest 400 Americans are worth as much as the 150 million poorest Americans! These figures spell doom for capitalism. The arrogance of the super rich now rivals that of the French aristocracy in 1789. The elite create a "Society of the Spectacle", full of images of perfection and of captivating, beguiling events staged on a monumental scale. The people, entranced, worship at the cathedrals of capitalism. The Situationist International, the Dada movement, the Futurists and the Punk rockers were all revolutionary groups of the twentieth century who opposed the ruling order. Has their time come again? The New World Order envisioned by the Pythagorean Illuminati is based on Meritocracy.

The environment within which humans interact has changed dramatically since the Industrial Revolution. However, their expectations stem from the same hopes and dreams people have had from the beginning of humankind. When Men Revolt and Why encourages readers to look closer and more deeply into the relationships between humans and the institutions that have originated to help them realize their full potential.The contributors not only examine people, but also the need to change institutions that have outworn their usefulness. When institutions inhibit rather than facilitate everyone's desire to live a full life, the result is likely to be violence. This book offers the ideas of many people who have tried to dig deeper into basic causes of violence. Included in this volume are selections by Aristotle, Tocqueville./Marx and Engels, and Brinton. The ideas they espoused still hold vitality.In his new introduction, James Davies talks about the circumstances under which this book was originally published. In Vietnam, a people were fighting for their autonomy. In the United States, many Americans were protesting against American involvement in the Vietnam War. Blacks were marching for their civil rights. Women were fighting for equality. Time has tempered these conflicts.Davies maintains that we remain ignorant of the elemental forces that impel people and nations to resort to violence. We are usually surprised by their anger and shocked by their violence. Davies asserts that we need to learn more about how humans respond to change so as to prepare ourselves for such responses to change. When Men Revolt and Why is as timely as ever as we deal with uncertainty in various areas of the world - the former Yugoslavia, the Middle East, and Ireland, among others. It is especially pertinent for political scientists, historians, and sociologists.

Writer in Exile/Writer in Revolt: Critical Perspectives on Carlos Bulosan gathers pioneering essays by major scholars in Filipino American Studies, American Studies, and Philippine Studies as well as historic documents on Carlos Bulosan’s work and life for the first time. This anthology—which includes rare, out-of-print documents—provides students, instructors, and scholars an opportunity to trace the development of a body of knowledge called Bulosan criticism within the United States and the Philippines. Divided into four major sections that explore Bulosan’s prolific literary output (novels, poems, short stories, essays, letters, and editorial work), the anthology opens with an introduction to the early stages of Bulosan criticism (1950s-1970s) and ends with recent work by senior scholars in Asian American Studies that suggests new directions for engaging multiple dimensions of Bulosan’s twin commitment to art and social change.

Medieval Englishmen were treacherous, rebellious and killed their kings, as their French contemporaries repeatedly noted. In the thirteenth through fifteenth centuries, ten kings faced serious rebellion, in which eight were captured, deposed, and/or murdered. One other king escaped open revolt but encountered vigorous resistance. In this book, Professor Valente argues that the crises of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries were crucibles for change; and their examination helps us to understand medieval political culture in general and key developments in later medieval England in particular. The Theory and Practice of Revolt takes a comparative look at these crises, seeking to understand medieval ideas of proper kingship and government, the role of political violence and the changing nature of reform initiatives and the rebellions to which they led. It argues that rebellion was an accepted and to a certain extent legitimate means to restore good kingship throughout the period, but that over time it became increasingly divorced from reform aims, which were satisfied by other means, and transformed by growing lordly dominance, arrogance, and selfishness. Eventually the tradition of legitimate revolt disappeared, to be replaced by both parliament and dynastic civil war. Thus, on the one hand, development of parliament, itself an outgrowth of political crises, reduced the need for and legitimacy of crisis reform. On the other hand, when crises did arise, the idea and practice of the community of the realm, so vibrant in the thirteenth century, broke down under the pressures of new political and socio-economic realities. By exploring violence and ideas of government over a longer period than is normally the case, this work attempts to understand medieval conceptions on their own terms rather than with regard to modern assumptions and to use comparison as a means of explaining events, ideas, and developments.