Political experiences of an Indian civil servant.

In this book, the author, in the backdrop of his vast and varied experience, looks at the major challenges confronting the country after about six decades of her 'tryst with destiny'. The analysis done indicates how these challenges have arisen, how deep-rooted infirmities of the Indian state and society have remained untackled, how a leadership with a great vision and will has not emerged at various levels of public life and how the current culture of superficiality has prevented the nation from perceiving the dangers that lie ahead. But the book is not restricted to analysis alone. Nor does it limit itself to viewing the fall-out of India's failed 'tryst with destiny'. It offers a new architecture for reshaping this 'destiny' and looking forward to another tryst. Shri Jagmohan, with his characteristic candour, observes: "The light of freedom about which Jawaharlal Nehru spoke so eloquently on the night of August 14-15, 1947, was too weak to pierce through the darkness created by the heaps of garbage which India had collected in her courtyards during the long period of her social and cultural degeneration."

Sanatana Dharma, recognized as a universal dharma, teaches the path of self-realisation through values and to use it as a tool for right political governance. The book explains how the West has misinterpreted the Sanatana Dharma and at the same time gives us an eye to watch this Dharma in the modern context. It broadly defines the difference between happiness and pleasure; spiritualism and materialism. It teaches us the value of moral conduct and morality as a way to end corruption. The work is a judicious mix of ideas from Hindu religious literature and views of scholars. The book will be of useful to a range of readers: those involved in governance, administrators, teachers and scholars of religion, particularly Hinduism.

All India State PSC AE & PSU General Studies Chapter-wise Solved Papers

In this insightful book, Jagmohan recounts the moments of triumphs and tragedies which he came across during his long and eventful date with Delhi’s development, from Jawaharlal Nehru’s time till date. His narration and analysis of these moments, in the context of larger forces that have remained embedded in the post-1947 India, bring under sharp focus a number of fundamental questions that need in-depth consideration of national leadership of all hue and colour: • Why did Nehru, despite his grand vision of a beautiful and balanced growth of Delhi, extend only a weak implementational hand, when it came to actualizing that vision on the ground? • How was it that, while most of her senior party leaders of Delhi lambasted the author and his colleagues for launching a drive to implement some of the clearance-redevelopment projects, Ms. Indira Gandhi experienced a sense of ‘thrill and pride’, when the results of that drive surfaced on the ground and enhanced the image of the Republic and its Capital, especially in early 1980s, the years of hosting ASIAD, NAM, CHOGAM? • Why were the few remnants of Gandhian Truth, which were seen in Prime Minister Morarji Desai’s stand regarding Master Plan schemes, butchered by his Home Ministry bureaucratic caucus and the Shah Commission? • How was it that when, in accordance with pre-Emergency decision of the Central Government and unanimous resolution of the Delhi Municipal Corporation, the government owned slums of Turkman Gate were cleared, it was given a communal colour and subjected to the most diabolical campaign of calumny known to contemporary Indian history? • What led Prime-Minister A.B. Vajpayee, a nobility-oriented statesman, to act against his own beliefs and change author’s portfolio of Urban Development? • Why did Mrs. Sonia Gandhi-Shiela Dikshit regime think that its principal plank for winning Delhi State Assembly Elections and Lok Sabha Elections should be a large reward to those who had ravaged, with impunity, the landscape of Delhi in form of thousands of unauthorized colonies? And why could not rival political parties think of any plan other than competitive negativity? • How is it that “We – the People” hardly ask ourselves: In what type of Delhi do we want to live, and what type of legacy do we wish to bequeath to posterity and to our children and grand children? Do we want our city to become junk-yard of unauthorized constructions, mirroring civic and moral chaos? • Was inaction on the part of the Election Commission to check the existence of an unhealthy clientistic relationship between the land-grabber/illegal builder/voters and those seeking their votes justifiable? The author has many other posers which extend to the infected ethos of Indian State, Society and Civilization. Nor does the author limit himself to questions and posers. He points to the way out, outlining a broad strategy of action.

Participatory governance has a long history in India and this book traces historical-intellectual trajectories of participatory governance and how older Western discourses have influenced Indian policymakers. While colonial rulers devolved power to accommodate dissenting voices, for independent India, participatory governance was a design for democratizing governance in its true sense. Participation also acted as a vehicle for localizing governance. The author draws on both Western and non-Western theoretical treatises and the book seeks to conceptualize localizing governance also as a contextual response. It also makes the argument that despite being located in different socio-economic and political milieu, thinkers converge to appreciate localizing governance as perhaps the only reliable means to democratize governance. The book aims to confirm this argument by reference to sets of evidence from the Indian experience of localizing governance. By attempting a genealogy of participatory governance in the West and in India, and an empirical study of participatory governance in India, the book sheds light on the exchange of ideas and concepts through space and time, thus adding to the growing body of literature in the social sciences on ‘conceptual flow’. It will be of interest to political scientists and historians, in particularly those studying South Asia.

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The Illegal City explores the relationship between space, law and gendered subjectivity through a close look at an 'illegal' squatter settlement in Delhi. Since 2000, a series of judicial rulings in India have criminalised squatters as 'illegal' citizens, 'encroachers' and 'pickpockets' of urban land, and have led to a spate of slum demolitions across the country. This book argues that in this context, it has become vital to distinguish between illegality and informality since it is those 'illegal' slums which are at the receiving end of a 'force of law', where law is violently encountered within everyday spaces. This book uses a gendered intersectional lens to explore how a 'violence of law' shapes how 'public' subjectivities of gender, class, religion and caste are encountered and negotiated within the 'private' spaces of home, family and neighbourhood. This book suggests that resettlement is not a condition that squatters desire; rather something that is seen as the only way out of the 'illegal' city. The wait for resettlement is a temporal space of anxiety and uncertainty, where particular kinds of politics around law, space and gender takes shape, which transform squatters' relations with the state, urban development, civil society, and with each other. Through their everyday struggles around water, sanitation, social and political organisation and the transformation of their homes and families, this book shows that the desire for the 'legal city' is also the irony and utopia of home, which will remain an incomplete gendered project - both for the state and for squatters.