This text provides a comprehensive analysis of Sudan's unresolved struggle between supporters of the majoritarian vision who seek to create a cohesive Arab-Islamic state and the pluralists who strive for equality before the law.BR> North America: Indiana U Press

First Published in 2003. Nearly half a century ago the first flares of Sudan's civil war were enkindled. Today, as the world enters a new century and a new millennium, Sudan's civil war has degenerated into an inferno of carnage and destruction. Sudan's war, however, is no different from wars elsewhere; it is an entangled political, cultural and social weave with equally intricate international ramifications. This volume charts Sudanese’s history of conflict.

This book explores the implications of globalisation for the theoretical study of law, justice, and human rights.

This is the first volume of the Biographical Dictionary of South Sudan, an ongoing research project begun in July 2001. As the subtitle of the book, the Notable Firsts, suggests, this volume is primarily concerned with historically significant South Sudanese personalities, deceased and contemporary alike, and their illustrious careers. Luminaries from all walks of life are featured, including politics, traditional leadership, civil service, academia, and sports. This book has several main aims. Its primary aim is historical. It presents biographical profiles or accounts of the entrants and highlights the accomplishments and contributions of entrants in their respective fields of expertise or in the public sphere. But the aim of this study is not only to preset entrants biographies. It is mostly to place the entries in a broader historical perspective. The biographical dictionary, though concerned about personal accounts of entrants, it discusses pivotal events that shaped the history of South Sudan. The biographies are essentially linked to historical events that shaped or influenced the countrys trajectory throughout the period in question. Central to understanding the history of South Sudan is the biographical information of personalities who have taken part in major events or who have assumed important offices in the country.

Embroiled in civil war since independence, Sudan has also suffered from the failure of both regional and international actors to fully come to terms with the scope of the complex issues involved. Sudan: The Elusive Quest for Peace contributes to a fuller understanding of those issues, exploring the factors that have contributed to the conflict from the days following independence to the present.Iyob and Khadiagala concisely examine the cultural, sociopolitical, economic, and geographical facets of the prolonged hostilities, then assess a sequence of mediation efforts. They also distill the web of grievances that fuel the current conflict in the Darfur region. They conclude with recommendations for the serious political and economic reforms in SudanCand the decisive efforts of external actorsCthat will be required if the peace process is to move forward.Ruth Iyob is associate professor of political science at the University of MissouriBSt. Louis and senior policy adviser to the Africa Program at the International Peace Academy. Her publications include The Eritrean Struggle for Independence: Domination, Resistance and Nationalism, 1941-1993. Gilbert M. Khadiagala is associate professor of comparative politics and African studies at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies. He is author of Allies in Adversity: The Frontline States in Southern African Security, 1975-1993 and coeditor of African Foreign Policies: Power and Process.Contents: Introduction: Exploring the Complexities. The Geography of Conflict. Regional and International Mediation. IGAD: African Solutions to African Problems, 1993-2003. The Darfur Flashpoint. Conclusion: Elusive Peace?

Slavery has been endemic in Sudan for thousands of years. Today the Sudanese slave trade persists as a complex network of buyers, sellers, and middlemen that operates most actively when times are favorable to the practice. As Jok Madut Jok argues, the present day is one such time, as the Sudanese civil war that resumed in 1983 rages on between the Arab north and the black south. Permitted and even encouraged by the Arab-dominated Khartoum government, the state military has captured countless women and children from the south and sold them into slavery in the north to become concubines, domestic servants, farm laborers, or even soldiers trained to fight against their own people. Also instigated by the Khartoum government, Arab herding groups routinely take and sell the Nilotic peoples of Dinka and Nuer. Jok emphasizes that the contemporary practice of slavery in Sudan is not the result of two decades of civil war, as conventional wisdom in the media would have one believe. Instead he revisits the historic hostilities between the Islamic world to the north and, to the south, the Black African peoples, many of whom are Christian converts. For Arab traders "the nation of the blacks," or Bilad Al-Sudan, has traditionally been the source of slaves. When the slave trade developed into corporate enterprise in the nineteenth century, the slave-takers articulated distinctions based on race, ethnicity, and religion that marked the black, infidel southerners as indisputably inferior and therefore "natural" slaves. Such distinctions have survived for decades and have fueled various forms of oppression of the black south, even during those periods when slavery has not been authorized by the government. When it is authorized, as it is today, slavery then becomes the extreme form of this systemic oppression. War and Slavery in Sudan exposes the enslavement of black peoples in Sudan which has been exacerbated, if not caused, by the circumstance of war. As a black southerner and a member of the Dinka, a group targeted by Arab slave traders, Jok brings an insider's perspective to this highly volatile subject matter. He describes the various methods of capture, explores the heinous experience of captivity, and examines the efforts of slaves to escape. Jok also assesses the efforts of Dinka communities to locate and redeem, or buy back, slaves through middlemen, a strategy that has been supported by Western antislavery groups and church-based humanitarian agencies but has also been the subject of great moral debate. Throughout the book, Jok stresses that the search for settlement of the north-south conflict must be made in conjunction with a campaign to end slavery. He challenges the international community to move beyond diplomatic measures to take more coordinated action against the slave trade and bring liberation to the people of Sudan.

In this book, Donald Rothchild analyzes the successes and failures of attempts at conflict resolution in different African countries and offers comprehensive ideas for successful mediation. The book demonstrates how negotiation and mediation can promote conflict resolution, along with a political environment that fosters development.

This book provides new sources and information on the first decade of the revolutionary Sudan (1989-2000) and the role played by its principal ideologue, Hasan al-Turabi until his downfall in 2000.

Focusing on the relationship between gender and the state in the construction national identity politics in twentieth-century northern Sudan, the author investigates the mechanisms that the state and political and religious interest groups employ for achieving political and cultural hegemony. Hale argues that such a process involves the transformation of culture through the involvement of women in both left-wing and Islamist revolutionary movements. In drawing parallels between the gender ideology of secular and religious organizations in Sudan, Hale analyzes male positioning of women within the culture to serve the movement. Using data from fieldwork conducted between 1961 and 1988, she investigates the conditions under which women’s culture can be active, generating positive expressions of resistance and transformation. Hale argues that in northern Sudan women may be using Islam to construct their own identities and improve their situation. Nevertheless, she raises questions about the barriers that women may face now that the Islamic state is achieving hegemony, and discusses limits of identity politics.