America will remain the world’s only superpower for the foreseeable future. But what sort of superpower? What role should America play in the world? What role do you want America to play? Ian Bremmer argues that Washington’s directionless foreign policy has become prohibitively expensive and increasingly dangerous. Since the end of the Cold War, U.S. policymakers have stumbled from crisis to crisis in Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, Libya, Syria, and Ukraine without a clear strategy. Ordinary Americans too often base their foreign policy choices on allegiance or opposition to the party in power. We can no longer afford this complacency, especially now that both parties are deeply divided about America’s role in the world. The next presidential election could easily pit an interventionist Democrat against an isolationist Republican—or the exact opposite. As 2016 rapidly approaches, Bremmer urges every American to think more deeply about what sort of country America should be and how it should use its superpower status. He explores three options: Independent America asserts that it’s time for America to declare independence from the responsibility to solve other people’s problems. Instead, Americans should lead by example—in part, by investing in the country’s vast untapped potential. Moneyball America acknowledges that Washington can’t meet every international challenge. With a clear-eyed assessment of U.S. strengths and limitations, we must look beyond empty arguments over exceptionalism and American values. The priorities must be to focus on opportunities and to defend U.S. interests where they’re threatened. Indispensable America argues that only America can defend the values on which global stability increasingly depends. In today’s interdependent, hyperconnected world, a turn inward would undermine America’s own security and prosperity. We will never live in a stable world while others are denied their most basic freedoms—from China to Russia to the Middle East and beyond. There are sound arguments for and against each of these choices, but we must choose. Washington can no longer improvise a foreign policy without a lasting commitment to a coherent strategy. As Bremmer notes, “When I began writing this book, I didn’t know which of these three choices I would favor. It’s easy to be swayed by pundits and politicians with a story to sell or an ax to grind. My attempt to make the most honest and forceful case I could make for each of these three arguments helped me understand what I believe and why I believe it. I hope it will do the same for you. I don’t ask you to agree with me. I ask only that you choose.”

"Cover illustration by Brann Garvey"--Copyright page.

In a much-needed reality check of the current state of U.S. global power, leading scholars and policy analysts from nine countries assess the impact of the Bush Doctrine on world order; explain how the United States reached its current low standing internationally; and propose ways that the country can repair the untold damage wrought by ill-conceived and incompetently executed security and foreign policies. Contributors focus on the principal regions of the world where they have expertise: Asia, Europe, Africa, the Middle East, Latin America, and Russia.

Greeks - in later times - saw Athens as 'the Hellas of Hellas', but in the classical period many Athenians thought otherwise. Athens might be a school of Hellas, but the school of Hellas was Sparta. Militarily and morally, Sparta was supreme. This book explores how Athenians - ordinary citizens as well as writers and politicians - thought about Sparta's superiority. Nine new studies from a distinguished international cast examine how Athenians might revere Sparta even as they fought her. This respect led to Plato's literary creation of fantasy cities (in the Republic and Laws) to imitate Spartan methods. And, after its military surrender in 404 BC, ruling Athenian politicians claimed that their city was to be remodelled as itself a New Sparta.

The Oxford History of the United States is the most respected multi-volume history of our nation in print. The series includes three Pulitzer Prize-winners, a New York Times bestseller, and winners of prestigious Bancroft and Parkman Prizes. From Colony to Superpower is the only thematic volume commissioned for the series. Here George C. Herring uses foreign relations as the lens through which to tell the story of America's dramatic rise from thirteen disparate colonies huddled along the Atlantic coast to the world's greatest superpower. A sweeping account of United States' foreign relations and diplomacy, this magisterial volume documents America's interaction with other peoples and nations of the world. Herring tells a story of stunning successes and sometimes tragic failures, captured in a fast-paced narrative that illuminates the central importance of foreign relations to the existence and survival of the nation, and highlights its ongoing impact on the lives of ordinary citizens. He shows how policymakers defined American interests broadly to include territorial expansion, access to growing markets, and the spread of an "American way" of life. And Herring does all this in a story rich in human drama and filled with epic events. Statesmen such as Benjamin Franklin and Woodrow Wilson and Harry Truman and Dean Acheson played key roles in America's rise to world power. But America's expansion as a nation also owes much to the adventurers and explorers, the sea captains, merchants and captains of industry, the missionaries and diplomats, who discovered or charted new lands, developed new avenues of commerce, and established and defended the nation's interests in foreign lands. From the American Revolution to the fifty-year struggle with communism and conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq, From Colony to Superpower tells the dramatic story of America's emergence as superpower--its birth in revolution, its troubled present, and its uncertain future.

“This persuasive, occasionally provocative book corrects a number of pervasive myths about the Cold War”—from the former U.S. ambassador to the USSR (Publishers Weekly). In Superpower Illusions, Jack F. Matlock refutes the enduring idea that the United States forced the collapse of the Soviet Union by applying military and economic pressure—with wide-ranging implications for U.S. foreign policy. Matlock argues that Gorbachev, not Reagan, undermined Communist Party rule in the Soviet Union and that the Cold War ended in a negotiated settlement that benefited both sides. He posits that the end of the Cold War diminished rather than enhanced American power; with the removal of the Soviet threat, allies were less willing to accept American protection and leadership that seemed increasingly to ignore their interests. Matlock shows how, during the Clinton and particularly the Bush-Cheney administrations, the belief that the United States had defeated the Soviet Union led to a conviction that it did not need allies, international organizations, or diplomacy, but could dominate and change the world by using its military power unilaterally. Superpower Illusions is “a truly remarkable book, both wise and provocative, telling a sad yet instructive story of how the United States failed to exploit a triumph in the Cold War to build a new international order reflecting U.S. interests and principles” (Dimitri Simes, President and CEO, The Center for the National Interest). “A well written, clearly reasoned and thoroughly informed tour of the past half century of American diplomacy—including the roots of its successes and failures—led by a superbly qualified participant. A brilliant book.”—Sidney Drell, Stanford University

The Third Book of the SuperPower Series “SuperPower The Ability to Fly or to Become Invisible: The Golden Eagle has Yielded” begins at the memorial service for the Steele brothers. The Martin twins and their paramours pay their respects to their adversaries who died in front of them on their way to a life-time incarceration. Encountering the treachery and blatant lies from the Steele family, Myrena Gorgona a SuperPower SuperModel forms a new feminine SuperPower organization she calls the “Lemnian Deeds Federation.” She opposes the two male dominated, operated SuperPower groups: the DODGE (Department of Defense Genetically Engineered) Initiative and the ‘Golden Eagle’ Organization. The Lemnian Deeds welcomes all SuperPowered individuals and non-SuperPower females as the non-SuperPower males survive as domesticated servants. -How does the DODGE Initiative and their adversary the ‘Golden Eagle’ Organization deal with Myrena Georgia and her new ‘Lemnian Deeds’ Federation?’ -Follow the new recruits of the ‘Lemnian Deeds’ Federation having new SuperPower abilities and experiences. -Does the old adage “the enemy of my enemy is my friend” hold true?

In 1968, there were sixty-two lobbyists in Washington; today there are thirty-four thousand, outnumbering members of Congress and their staffers two to one. By 2008, these lobbyists were spending approximately $8.2 million for influence per day. Few, if any, of these lobbyists represent the majority of Americans in the middle class. So it’s not surprising, given these statistics, that real median household income in America has stagnated for over a decade. This hard-hitting book documents that a combination of special interest groups and their army of money-peddling lobbyists, along with government mismanagement of business and the economy by both parties, have betrayed the American middle and lower classes for the last twenty years. The result is a host of misguided laws and policies that have driven jobs and whole industries offshore, never to return. The author takes issue with those who emphasize the potential benefits of globalization without taking notice of its many negative effects on American society. He also argues that inept policy threatens to derail the American economy permanently and that our economic malaise is more than a short-term reaction to a financial market collapse or global market forces. He cites critical areas where changes must be made to reverse the negative trend: • Improving our 1950s-era educational system to produce a workforce able to compete for 21st-century jobs. • Reform of tax codes that have been driving companies and jobs offshore. We are currently a nation that manufactures practically nothing! • Weaning all levels of government away from deficit spending, which drains economic power • Pursuing free trade that also means fair trade. • Ending the cycle of credit-card debt and all-too-easy mortgage credit to finance ultimately unaffordable lifestyles. • Making the United States more business friendly, so companies will grow and provide desperately needed jobs here at home. The author warns that unless we implement these and other recommended changes, the American economy will inevitably decline while China, India, and other up-and-coming nations ascend. He maintains that all is not lost. If we follow the course he sets, we can reinvigorate and renew our economy, rebuild America’s greatness, create 21st-century jobs, and more. This book provides a roadmap for reclaiming American preeminence.