This book argues that International Investment Law system – IIL - was the result of a colonial project within a capitalist system that has been influenced by the developmentalism discourse and the neoliberal ideology, becoming an instrument that facilitated forms of systemic violence against Third World countries. In order to develop this argument, Enrique Prieto-Rios uses post-war critical thought, chiefly Fanon as interpreted by Lewis R Gordon, the works pursued by academics, part of the Caribbean Philosophical Association, the Institute for Global Law and Policy, the international law from below (southern perspectives), and critical economic thought— particularly the notable economic contributions of Ha-Joon Chang and Latin-American philosopher Enrique Dussel.

Domestic Violence and International Law argues that certain forms of domestic violence are a violation of international human rights law. The argument is based on the international law principle that, where a state fails to protect a vulnerable group of people from harm, whether perpetrated by the state or private actors, it has breached its obligations to protect against human rights violation. This book provides a comprehensive legal analysis for why a state should be accountable in international law for allowing women to suffer extreme forms of domestic violence and how this can help individual victims. It is irrelevant that the violence is perpetrated by individuals and not state actors such as soldiers or the police. The state's breach of its responsibility is in its failure to act effectively in domestic violence cases; and in its silent endorsement of the violence, it becomes complicit. The book seeks to reformulate academic and political debate on domestic violence and the responsibility of states under international law. It is based on empirical data combined with an honest assessment of whether or not domestic violence is recognised by the international community as a human rights violation. 'Domestic Violence in International Law [...] provides an original, provocative, and much needed legal framework for the coherent development of a norm against domestic violence in international human rights law...Dr. Meyersfeld has developed a thoroughgoing analysis that asks and answers the most difficult questions often neglected by academics, lawyers and activists who dismiss the possibility that systemic violence against women could violate international law...Most fundamentally, this book is memorable for the hope and optimism it expresses about the transformative possibilities of international law. For without compromising such intensely human values as privacy, autonomy and cultural identity, Dr. Meyersfeld moves her reader with an abiding conviction: that international law, fueled with the power of transnational actors, can propel public actors to protect abused and vulnerable people in their most private worlds.' From the Foreword by Harold Koh, The Legal Adviser, United States Department of State (2009-).

Violence against women remains one of the most pervasive human rights violations in the world today, and it permeates every society, at every level. Such violence is considered a systemic, widespread and pervasive human rights violation, experienced largely by women because they are women. Yet at the international level, there is a gap in the legal protection of women from violence. There is currently no binding international convention that explicitly prohibits such violence; or calls for its elimination; or, mandates the criminalisation of all forms of violence against women. This book critically analyses the treatment of violence against women in the United Nations system, and in three regional human rights systems. Each chapter explores the advantages and disadvantages coming from the legal instruments, the work of the monitoring systems, and the resulting findings and jurisprudence. The book proposes that the gap needs to be addressed through a new United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Violence against Women, or alternatively an Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women. A new Convention or Optional Protocol would be part of the transformative agenda that is needed to normatively address the promotion of a life free of violence for women, the responsibility of states to act with due diligence in the elimination of all forms of violence against all women, and the systemic challenges that are the causes and consequences of such violence.

In this book, William Brant uncovers social causes of violence, in search of reductive measures. Multiple legal systems are explored as reducers and implementers of violence and threats, especially criminal justice systems. War, propagandizing, power, corporate and governmental involvement in social domination, statehood, dangerous ideologies, and tribal sexual domination are explored in many cultures. Various levels and methods are given for observing, measuring and analyzing how people think and behave regarding the law, including examples of comedy. A theoretical chapter presents legal theory in relation to conceptions of possibility and misconceptions. These ideas are applied to judiciaries, which expose winning strategies for lawyers’ desired verdicts. Dr. Brant accounts for the interconnections between sexual selection, legal systems and wars.

This book addresses the intersection of two current major concerns in Australia: law and justice responses to domestic violence - including harsher punitive measures - and the over-representation of Indigenous Australians in the criminal justice system, which are similar concerns in New Zealand, Canada and the US. Nancarrow re-conceptualises typologies of violence and provides a means of understanding and explaining female use of violence without undermining the hard-won gains of the women’s movement. It does, however, argue for a paradigm shift, which has implications for every aspect of the system we have built to stop men’s violence against women (law, police policy and practice, counselling and advocacy for victims, and interventions for those who perpetrate violence). The book is based on quantitative and qualitative research and explores the nature of Indigenous intimate partner violence and the types of violence that domestic violence law sought to address.

This book, a collection of three essays, looks at the legal system's response to violence against women in South Asia. It is an overview of law and legal control in India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. The studies show the commonalities and the differences in the three legal systems. All three countries have experienced British colonial rule and their criminal laws are derived from the British legal tradition. All three countries grappled with similar issues and problems in using law as a strategy to combat violence against women. All three faced the problem of reconciling ethnic and religious or customary legal values with international and constitutionally guaranteed rights to equality and protection from violence. In Pakistan, the official Islamisation process added new and complex dimensions to the issues of administration of criminal justice and enforcement of family law. Each study adopts a different approach in its analysis of legal control--focussed on what is considered relevant for their country. Thus, the study on Sri Lanka is a critical review of a range of legal norms and procedures, the one on India is a critique of the implementation of the justice system and the one on Pakistan focuses on the failure to protect women from violence and uses non-legal materials too in discussing legal controls. The studies in this volume clearly demonstrate that the legal system has failed to protect women against violence. There is, nevertheless, recognition of the fact that the law and effective law enforcement machineries can serve as serious deterrents to violence. The studies explore the possibility of reforming the legal systems and suggest that multi-ethnic and multi-religious societies of South Asia must accept the concept of drafting general codes that conform with international human rights norms and recognize the people's right to opt for them in the governance of family relations.

International courts and other actors are increasingly taking into account pre-existing social structures and inequalities when addressing and redressing human rights violations, in particular discrimination against specific groups. To date, however, academic legal research has paid little attention to this gentle turn in international human rights law and practice to address structural discrimination. In order to address this gap, this study analyses whether and to what extent international and regional human rights frameworks foresee positive obligations for State parties to address structural discrimination, and, more precisely, gender hierarchies and stereotypes as root causes of gender-based violence. In order to answer this question, the book analyses whether or not international human rights law requires pursuing a root-cause-sensitive and transformative approach to structural discrimination against women in general and to the prevention, protection and reparation of violence against women in particular; to what extent international courts and (quasi)judicial bodies address State responsibility for the systemic occurrence of violence against women and its underlying root causes; whether or not international courts and monitoring bodies have suitable tools for addressing structural discrimination within the society of a contracting party; and the limits to a transformative approach.

Violence against women and girls remains one of the most pervasive human rights violations in the world today, and it permeates every society. Yet at the international level, there is a gap in the legal protection of women and girls from violence. This book critically analyses the UN system and three regional human rights systems as well as address the current gap in Asia in relation to this issue. The book proposes that the gap should be addressed through a new UN Convention or alternatively an Optional Protocol to the CEDAW, in order to promote a life free of violence for women and girls and to address the systemic challenges that are the causes and consequences of such violence.

This book presents a novel and insightful examination of gender-based violence, inviting readers to consider this topic from various perspectives. It encompasses various conceptual discussions and international regulations and trends, while concurrently emphasising the legal regulations and practices of select Central and Eastern European countries. Significantly underrepresented in legal scholarship, this region has been overlooked and subject to limited comprehensive analyses. The authors address different aspects of gender-based violence, also covering some areas that have received little attention in academic literature, such as gender-based violence in academia and cyberstalking. Furthermore, the book incorporates recent empirical studies, thereby endowing readers with valuable insights into the specific challenges encountered in the region. By contributing to current research on gender-based violence in Europe, this publication is an invaluable resource for researchers, students, policymakers, and general readers interested in gender-based violence and the fight against it in the Central and Eastern European region.

Expanded new edition of an important study of the protracted violence in Colombia. This book examines the political, economic, and military factors that have contributed to decades of violent conflict in Colombia during one of the longest protracted civil wars in the world. Using four years of field research, and more than two hundred interviews, Nazih Richani examines Colombia’s “war system”—the systemic interlacing relationship among actors in conflict, their respective political economy, and also the overall political economy of the system they help in creating. Several key questions are raised, including when and why do some conflicts protract, and what types of socioeconomic and political configurations make peaceful resolutions difficult to obtain? Also addressed are the lessons of other protracted conflicts, such as those found in Lebanon, Angola, and Italy. In this expanded second edition Richani contributes new chapters looking at developments in Colombia since the book’s initial publication a decade ago and a look at the challenges for peace that lie ahead.