This book studies the linguistic representation of events by examining the relevance of two salient event characteristics-- telicity and durativity-- to the grammatical system of natural language. The study of events, and of event characteristics, is an important testing ground for theories on the boundary between extralinguistic and linguistic knowledge, and on the relation between semantics and syntax. Telicity and durativity are notions which have become increasingly influential in both the semantic and the syntactic, i.e., grammaticalized, representation of events. The book furthers the understanding of events through the comparison of two genetically and typologically distinct languages, German and Dëne Suliné (Chipewyan/Athapaskan), an indigenous language of Northwestern Canada. It contains the first in-depth documentation of the aspectual system of Dëne Suliné, and a careful analysis of the aspectual behaviour of German particle verbs. A stringent methodology considers semantic, pragmatic, and grammatical factors in both languages. The data reveal that telicity and durativity belong to profoundly different semantic and grammatical domains, and that neither notion is grammaticalized universally. While both notions are represented semantically in German as well as in Dëne Suliné, telicity is grammaticalized only in the former and durativity is grammaticalized only in the latter.

This dissertation presents a study on the acquisition of telicity by Spanish and English native speakers. In addition to the study of acquisition, it investigates the syntactic and semantic properties of locatum constructions (e.g., the water filled the bucket), which are sentences that contain two internal arguments and whose subject is non-agentive. This dissertation explores the syntactic and semantic properties of elements of the verb phrase that had not been previously considered in the interpretation of telicity, such as the role of non-agentive subjects and the type of movement that takes place in the checking of the verb's telic features. Contrary to the assumption that only the direct internal argument of the verb can delimit an event, I argue that objects generated in the lower verb phrase, by virtue of being an internal argument of the verb can delimit an event. An object delimits an event by checking the verb's telic features in spec-AspP, either by covert or overt movement. If a predicate contains one internal argument (e.g., the boy filled the bucket) the checking of the verb's telic features takes place via covert movement. That is, only the NPs specific quantification features move covertly to check the verb's telic features in spec-AspP. However, if the predicate contains two internal arguments (e.g., fill the bucket with water), the surfaced subject (e.g., the water filled the bucket) by virtue of being an internal argument of the verb, checks the verb's telic features as the category and its features move overtly to subject position. The study shows that young children understand telicity when the verb's telic features are checked via overt movement, but have difficulties understanding telicity when the verb's telic features are checked via covert movement. I propose that predicates whose telicity involves overt movement should be acquired earlier than predicates whose telicity involves covert movement because overt movement is an operation that happens between D-structure and S-structure before the sentence is pronounced. Predicates whose telicity involves covert movement might be acquired at a later age of development because covert movement happens between S-structure and LF after the sentence is pronounced.

First Published in 1997. This work studies two related phenomena in human language: the ability of verbs and other lexical items to describe how a situation (event or state) develops or holds in time (LEXICAL ASPECT) and the view some verbal auxiliaries and affixes present of the development or result of a situation at a given time (GRAMMATICAL ASPECT). Through this investigation the author seeks to reveal a formal situation structure represented by aspectual phenomena, a structure to which other linguistic elements make reference, particularly tense. This structure describes the semantics of aspect and provides a principled input to pragmatic aspectual interpretation.

Vamale is an endangered South Oceanic > Northern New Caledonian language, spoken by around 180 people on the northeastern coast of Grande Terre. This grammar was written as a PhD dissertation, on the basis of 11 months of fieldwork funded by ELDP. The data consists both of elicitation and relatively free interviews, as well as recordings of ceremonial speeches and casual conversations. ELAR contains open-access archive of all recordings and a dictionary, as well as a FLEx database in which many examples can be found in context. The appendix includes three texts, an oral history account of the 1917 colonial war, a traditional fable, and a longer modern retelling of a legend. The grammar intends to give a general overview of Vamale to a general linguistics audience. Its focus on syntax, and comparison with related languages should particularly interest Oceanists and areal typologists. With a dedicated chapter on the community's history and cultural information throughout the book, this account hopes to show the beauty and wealth of both the Vamale language and culture.

This book constitutes the refereed proceedings of the 12th International Tbilisi Symposium on Logic, Language and Computation, TbiLLC 2017, held in Lagodekhi, Georgia, in September 2017. The volume contains 17 full revised papers presented at the conference from 22 submissions. The aim of this conference series is to bring together researchers from a wide variety of fields in Natural language syntax, Linguistic typology, Language evolution, Logics for artificial intelligence and much more.

This book contributes to the growing work on scale-based formal semantic approaches to verbal phenomena. It presents a new scale-based framework for both aspectual classes and grammatical aspect with the aim of offering an analysis of achievements in the progressive. In order to analyse these, the temporal trace function is relativised to a granularity parameter, and the semantics of the progressive operator is assumed to involve partitivity over scales of change. To this end, a novel concept of a scale of change is adopted, building on a bottom-up idea of associating scales with events and characterising verbal predicates via event-level scales. As a crucial departure from former scale-based approaches, predicates like "arrive" are associated with both two-valued and multi-valued scales of change. The new framework can then capture fine-grained aspectual class differences and predict the interpretations of the progressive for different aspectual classes.

During the period I have been working on this project I have received institutional support of several kinds, for which I am most grateful. I thank the Institute for Advanced Study at Stanford University, and the Spencer Foundation, for a stimulating environment in which the basic idea of this book was developed. The Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics at Nijmegen enabled me to spend several months working on the the manuscript. ANational Science Foundation grant to develop Discourse Representation theory, and a grant from The University Research Institute of the University of Texas, allowed me time to pursue this project. I also thank the Center for Cognitive Science at the University of Texas for research support. I thank Helen Aristar-Dry for reading early drafts of the manuscript, Östen Dahl for penetrating remarks on a preliminary version, and my collaborator Gilbert Rappaport for relentIess comments and questions throughout. The individuals with whom I have worked on particular languages are mentioned in the relevant chapters. I owe a particular debt of gratitude to the members of my graduate seminar on aspect in the spring of 1990: they raised many questions of importance which made a real difference to the working out of the theory. I have benefitted from presenting parts of this material publicly, including cOlloquia at the University of California at Berkeley, the University of California at San Diego, the University of Pennsylvania, Rice University, the University of Texas, and the University of Tel Aviv.

This volume addresses the problem of how language expresses conceptual information on event structures and how such information can be reconstructed in the interpretation process. The papers present important new insights into recent semantic and syntactic research on the topic. The volume deals with the following problems in detail: event structure and syntactic construction, event structure and modification, event structure and plurality, event structure and temporal relation, event structure and situation aspect, and event structure and language ontology. Importantly, the topic is discussed not only on the basis of English and German but on the basis of other languages including Mandarin, Japanese, Korean, Indonesian, and Igbo as well. This volume thus provides solid evidence towards clarifying the empirical use of event based analyses.

The Syntax and Semantics of the Perfect Active in Literary Koine Greek incorporates linguistic insights from both neo-Davidsonian and Chomskyan traditions to present a unified semantic description of the perfect and pluperfect in literary Koine Greek. Offers a comprehensive and unified account of the Greek perfect that considers its behaviour in terms of tense and aspect, as well as voice (or diathesis) Features insights from the neo-Davidsonian and Chomskyan semantic traditions while addressing the perfect tense in Koine Greek Incorporates syntactic and semantic frameworks to provide an account of the perfect in terms of the causative alternation and aspectual classes of predicate Utilizes a large corpus of material that has not been previously discussed in a linguistic sense relating to the question of the semantics of the Greek perfect