When Thomas Jefferson took the oath of office for the presidency in 1801, America had just passed through twelve critical years, years dominated by some of the towering figures of our history and by the challenge of having to do everything for the first time. Washington, Hamilton, Madison, Adams, and Jefferson himself each had a share in shaping that remarkable era--an era that is brilliantly captured in The Age of Federalism. Written by esteemed historians Stanley Elkins and Eric McKitrick, The Age of Federalism gives us a reflective, deeply informed analytical survey of this extraordinary period. Ranging over the widest variety of concerns--political, cultural, economic, diplomatic, and military--the authors provide a sweeping historical account, keeping always in view not only the problems the new nation faced but also the particular individuals who tried to solve them. As they move through the Federalist era, they draw subtly perceptive character sketches not only of the great figures--Washington and Jefferson, Talleyrand and Napoleon Bonaparte--but also of lesser ones, such as George Hammond, Britain's frustrated minister to the United States, James McHenry, Adams's hapless Secretary of War, the pre-Chief Justice version of John Marshall, and others. They weave these lively profiles into an analysis of the central controversies of the day, turning such intricate issues as the public debt into fascinating depictions of opposing political strategies and contending economic philosophies. Each dispute bears in some way on the broader story of the emerging nation. The authors show, for instance, the consequences the fight over Hamilton's financial system had for the locating of the nation's permanent capital, and how it widened an ideological gulf between Hamilton and the Virginians, Madison and Jefferson, that became unbridgeable. The statesmen of the founding generation, the authors believe, did "a surprising number of things right." But Elkins and McKitrick also describe some things that went resoundingly wrong: the hopelessly underfinanced effort to construct a capital city on the Potomac (New York, they argue, would have been a far more logical choice than Washington), and prosecutions under the Alien and Sedition Acts which turned into a comic nightmare. No detail is left out, or left uninteresting, as their account continues through the Adams presidency, the XYZ affair, the naval Quasi-War with France, and the desperate Federalist maneuvers in 1800, first to prevent the reelection of Adams and then to nullify the election of Jefferson. The Age of Federalism is the fruit of many years of discussion and thought, in which deep scholarship is matched only by the lucid distinction of its prose. With it, Stanley Elkins and Eric McKitrick have produced the definitive study, long awaited by historians, of the early national era.

A history of the Federalist period combines biographical insights with analysis and reflection to capture the sweeping issues, remarkable personalities, and intricate controversies of the time in a swiftly moving narrative.

The Port Folio magazine, America's first major journal of literary and political opinion, was edited by Joseph Dennie between 1801 and 1811. This new study argues that as The Port Folio mounted a last spirited defense of classical republican values against "American jacobinism," the struggle between its Federalist writers and the forces of Jeffersonian ideology gave rise to an important tradition in American writing.

As French consul to the Carolinas and Georgia, Citizen Mangourit was dispatched in 1792 to capitalize on the fledgling alliance between the young republics as opportunity to spread the French Revolution into Spanish holdings in the Floridas and Louisiana. In his analysis of the public and clandestine activities of Mangourit during his short tenure in Charleston, Alderson presents a case study of the challenge given to U.S. republicanism by its French counterpart. Mangourit tapped into a wide range of support for the French Revolution and its implications for South Carolina, drawing support for his cause from well-off planters and disenfranchised groups of backcountrymen, slaves, and women..In the end he was recalled before the invasion projects could be carried out. French and American republicanism quickly diverged, and the French lost their best opportunity to reclaim their empire in North America. Aldersons study shows that the tension between republicanism and self-interest could be resolved at the local level, but republicanism could not be the only basis for national relations.

In the early republic, constitutional debates over federal-state relations were fundamental to party battles and divergent conceptions of republicanism. Then, as now, theories about the sources and nature of federal power informed public debate, policy, and judicial decisions. In examining the conflicts of the revolutionary era, Lenner's work provides a ground-breaking overview of the 'culture of constitutionalism'--the clash of ideas about the nature and structure of Union--that pervaded the early republic.

In this significant revision of his acclaimed work, Paul Finkelman places the problem of slavery in the context of early American politics and the making of the Constitution. He argues that slavery was a bone of contention from the first days of the Constitutional Convention to the last, and demonstrates persuasively that the debate on slavery in national politics and the problem of fugitive slaves predated the antebellum period. A new chapter argues that it was the Federalists who took the high road on the issue of slavery by supporting emancipation, while supporters of Jefferson formed the first pro-slavery political party.

Our planet is approaching a critical environmental juncture. Across the globe we continue to deplete the five pools of carbon – soil, wood, coal, oil, and natural gas – at an unsustainable rate. We've burned up half the planet's known reserves of oil – one trillion barrels – in less than a century. When these sources of energy–rich carbon go into severe decline, as they surely will, society will follow. Former archeologist and Sierra Club activist Courtney White calls this moment the Age of Consequences—a time when the worrying consequences of our environmental actions– or inaction – have begun to raise unavoidable and difficult questions. How should we respond? What are effective (and realistic) solutions? In exploring these questions, White draws on his formidable experience as an environmentalist and activist as well as his experience as a father to two children living through this vital moment in time. As a result, The Age of Consequences is a book of ideas and action, but it is also a chronicle of personal experience. Readers follow White as he travels the country ––– from Kansas to Los Angeles, New York City, Italy, France, Yellowstone, and New England.

This first historical study of U.S. budget policy covering the last three decades places the budget at the center of modern American politics and adds an important dimension to the understanding of recent events.

Schneiderman explores the differing effects of shame and guilt on such institutions as government, the military, war, and work, and in people's personal lives--on sexuality, marriage, and family. His fresh insights help readers solve mysteries about themselves, their relationships with others, with society, and with other nations.

From the glitz of inaugural balls to the pomp and circumstance of the State of the Union address, the American presidency is rife with symbolism and ceremony. In Celebrating the Republic, Sandra Moats examines how the first five presidents--with special emphasis on George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and James Monroe--invented the American political culture that endures today. Drawing from the chaotic political culture of the founding era, these presidents used symbolism to connect the national government to the people at large. Their efforts defined republican government for the founding generation and those to follow. Moats details the trials and errors of our founding fathers as they tried to symbolically establish the authority of the office of the president and the federal government. An elaborate mechanism designed to "crown" Washington with a laurel wreath at his inauguration shows the struggle of early leaders to invent appropriate and inspiring signs and rituals compatible with republican ideas. We now take for granted the trappings of our government, but titles, accessibility, protocol, tours, and inaugurations were all topics of great debate and deliberate decision making in the early republic. Celebrating the Republic elaborates on the stylistic differences between Washington and Jefferson and shows that John Adams and James Madison floundered while trying to develop their own styles. Washington, responding to the monarchical rituals instituted by the public and Congress, created a ceremonial presidency complete with tours and formal receptions. Jefferson rejected this in favor of an informal style and an emphasis on rhetoric and the written word rather than ritual. Moats points to Monroe as an example of a leader who successfully combined elements of both the formal and the informal approaches. Scholars of the early republic and the presidency, as well as casual readers interested in the founding fathers, will find much to enjoy in this entertaining study.