Of all the violent disputes that have flared across the former Soviet Union since the late 1980s, the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict is the only one to pose a genuine threat to peace and security throughout Eurasia. By right of its strategic location and oil resources, the Transcaucasus has been and will continue to be a source of interest for external powers competing to advance their geopolitical influence in the region. Under such conditions, the possibility will remain for the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict to reignite and expand to include other powers. The ten-year conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan has been one of the bloodiest and most intractable disputes to emerge from the breakup of the Soviet Union. Animosity that developed between the Armenians and Azeris under czarist Russian rule was fueled by the rise of a dispute over Nagorno-Karabakh, a mountainous region for which both peoples feel an intense nationalistic affinity. The attachment of the region to Azerbaijan by Stalin in 1923 became a source of deep resentment for the Armenians, and during the rule of Gorbachev, a campaign was begun to achieve the peaceful unification of Armenia and Karabakh. Azerbaijan resisted the move as a threat to its territorial integrity, and clashes that broke out soon escalated into a full-scale war that outlived the USSR itself. Although a cease-fire has been observed since May, 1994, a peaceful settlement to the conflict has been elusive. Meanwhile, by right of both the strategic location and resources and the unique security characteristics of the Transcaucasus, major external powers—Russia, Turkey, and Iran—have sought to influence the dispute according to their geopolitical interests. With the growth of interest in the oil riches of the Caspian Sea and the increasing engagement of Western countries, including the United States, the risks and implications of renewed violence between Armenia and Azerbaijan will grow. This major study will be of interest to students, scholars, and policymakers involved with international relations, military affairs, and the Transcaucasus.

This book focuses on Post-Soviet ethnic conflicts and Russia's involvement in them. In light of its significant importance for general ethnic conflict, specifically the post-Soviet Caucasus, along with the most recent war just fought over the area from September-November 2020, this book appropriately argues that it is time to reconsider Karabakh. This project deals with the historical, social and political aspects of the Karabakh issue regarding its origins, development and the current status of the conflict subsequent to the war in the autumn of 2020. Thus, the main themes will stress these points, as well as the importance of the Karabakh issue for the future, by considering its precedents and implications for other secessionist wars. This book also explores how such wars begin and end, the international legal precedents of self-determination versus territorial integrity, its implications for post-Soviet developments and conflicts, and the latest successful weapons developments lessons from the recent war involving drones, among others such as Azerbaijan’s rich oil reserves.

The Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict for control of the mountainous territory of Nagorny Karabakh is the longest-running dispute in post-Soviet Eurasia. Laurence Broers shows how more than 20 years of dynamic territorial politics, shifting power relations, international diffusion and unsuccessful mediation efforts have contributed to the resilience of this stubbornly unresolved dispute. Looking beyond tabloid tropes of 'frozen conflict' or 'Russian land-grab', Broers unpacks the unresolved territorial issues of the 1990s and the strategic rivalry that has built up around them since.

This is a print on demand edition of a hard to find publication. The U.S. recognized the independence of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia when the former Soviet Union broke up at the end of 1991. Contents of this report: (1) Recent Developments; (2) Background; (3) Overview of U.S. Policy Concerns: Operations in Iraq; After the Aug. 2008 Russia-Georgia Conflict; (4) The South Caucasus¿s External Security Context: Russian Involvement in the Region: Caspian Energy Resources; Roles of Turkey, Iran, and Others; (5) Obstacles to Peace and Independence: Nagorno Karabakh Conflict; Civil and Ethnic Conflict in Georgia; (6) U.S. Aid Overview; (7) U.S. Security Assistance; (8) U.S. Trade and Invest.: Building the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan and South Caucasus Pipelines; EU Concerns; Regional Energy Cooperation with Iran.

Conflict resolution, conflict management and conflict transformations are major themes in this unique book which examines, explores and analyses the mediation attempts of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Ohannes Geukjian shows the most striking characteristic of a protracted internal conflict such as this is its asymmetry and explains that, without meeting basic human needs like identity, recognition, security and participation, resolving any protracted social conflict is very difficult. The Armenian Azerbaijani case demonstrates how official diplomacy may not be able to solve protracted internal conflicts as, without addressing the real causes of the problematic relationship, attempts at peace making will always be sporadic and the space for mutual understanding and compromise shrink. Geukjian shows that conflict transformation has a particular salience in asymmetric conflicts such as this where the goal is to transform unjust relationships and where a high degree of polarisation between the disputants has taken root. Using the Nagorno-Karabakh case, this book focuses on the anatomy and causes of deadlock in negotiations and highlights the many difficulties in achieving a breakthrough.

The Azerbaijani attack on the de facto independent Republic of Artsakh (formerly the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic) in September 2020 shattered the illusion that this conflict is “frozen.” The forty-four-day war in 2020 was the bloodiest outbreak of violence over the separatist region since the conflict began in the late 1980s and threatened to embroil Turkey and Russia in a dangerous proxy war in the volatile South Caucasus. Despite the publication of several works on the conflict since the 1990s, many aspects of the conflict remain poorly understood or distorted in Western scholarship due to US-NATO political influence. Are the origins of the conflict found in Soviet nationalities policy and Joseph Stalin’s divide-and-rule methods? Do the Armenians in Artsakh have a right to self-determination as enshrined in treaty and customary international law? What role do Russia and Turkey have in the conflict? Did Kosovo’s 2008 declaration of independence establish a precedent for Artsakh and other separatist states such as Abkhazia and South Ossetia? By breaking with the dominant US-NATO political paradigm, this book strives to answer these and many other questions to provide a long overdue reassessment of the Armenian-Azerbaijani Conflict.

This last volume in the annual series chronicles the developments that led up to the abortive August coup, the disintegration of the Soviet Union, and the establishment of the Commonwealth of Independent States. The book is arranged as a day-by-day chronology with boldface headlines identifying individual topics. Among the highlights are analyses of the crackdown in the Baltic republics, the miners' strikes, and the ongoing ethnic warfare in the Transcaucasus; the referendum on the future of the USSR and the prolonged negotiations between the center and the republics over the Union treaty; the emergence of Russia as an alternative center of power; and the banning of the Soviet Communist Party. The volume also documents in depth the failed coup and the political realignment that followed, the disastrous state of the economy, and the discussion of potential future cooperation among the newly independent republics.