The Coming Tyranny: How Socialism Will Lead to Civil War in America is a step-by-step prediction of how socialism in America will develop by nefarious and corrupt Democrats whose concerns are not the interests and well-being of the American people, but are concerns about redistributing wealth, attaining power, control, and enriching themselves. After the 2020 suspected fraudulent election, Democrats practically control the Federal government. Their Utopian socialist dream consists of taking substantial wealth from the rich through oppressive taxes and redistributing this wealth for government assistance to illegal migrants, for black reparations, to bail out poorly managed Democrat states disguised as COVID-19 relief, for infrastructure, for green energy, for government-run healthcare, for COVID-19 vaccines, to support the UN, the Paris Peace Accord climate deal, the World Health Organization, and for Palestinian aid. The Chinese-born COVID-19 pandemic has enabled the worse election fraud in US history to occur, in a concerted effort to steal the 2020 election by election computer fraud, ballot counters, state elected officials in key states, mail carriers, and election officials. Incredulously, key state supreme courts and the US Supreme Court, all refused to listen to any evidence or witnesses available in the worst election fraud in US history. Examples of Democrat socialist presidential candidates and their leftist views are presented to show how far left socialists want to take America. Examples are given as to how corrupt leaders, such as Obama, Hillary Clinton, and Joe Biden, not only tried to rig the 2016 election, but sought to influence the election of Benjamin Netanyahu, forced Pope Benedict to resign and be replaced by a liberal Pope, and how the Obama Administration and others, were involved with the Vatican and Pope Francis to try to align abortion and homosexuality morality in Catholic doctrine with leftist political morality to be gaslighted as acceptable moral behavior in the US by Hillary Clinton and Tim Kaine in preparation for the 2016 election. The Biden Administration signed a slew of executive orders and tax policies that mandated culture change and triggered oppression of Americans. Step-by-step predictions are made how Democrats will change election laws so that they will always remain in power. Socialist policies are predicted to cause economic chaos, failure, and instability. Many Americans will lose their jobs and suffer. Crime, poverty, and homelessness will increase. Police departments and the military will be politicized to support and enforce tyrannical laws passed by the socialist Federal US government to deprive Americans of their freedoms. Conservatives will react, as tyranny and oppression intensify. A secession of states will likely occur, leading to a 2nd American Civil War. Unfortunately, the war will not fare well for freedom-loving Americans for reasons stated. Only a miracle from God can save the USA. Leftist policies and reconstruction efforts will further weaken the US. As Muslim immigrants grow exponentially in the US and Muslim population centers in states increase over time, this book predicts that a 3rd Civil War will occur between Muslims and non-Muslims. In the end, the old US will become divided into Muslim and non-Muslim countries, never to return to the greatest country on earth that it was.

This book argues that current policy, even if invigorated by more aggressive military efforts, will not bring the United States victory over Saddam and his regime.

Legendary warriors, devastating sea battles, and a chance, finally, for vengeance. After a daring escape from a British prison, Philippe Kermorvant returns to France and gains command of a frigate in the Mediterranean, where France is trying to rebuild its decimated fleet. Facing overwhelming odds, the fleet is forced to flee for refuge to a fortified bay. The prospect of an interminable blockade looms, but Philippe is given leave from his command to meet an enigmatic young general, who has a mission for him. What follows is a shocking murder, a siege, a whirlwind romance and a duel to the death on the high seas, as Philippe contends with threats from every side. And amidst all this chaos, a terrible face from his past threatens to uproot everything that he has built for himself. A fascinating naval adventure of the Age of Sail told from the French perspective, perfect for fans of Hornblower and Sharpe.

Even the most explicitly political contemporary approaches to Shakespeare have been uninterested by his tyrants as such. But for Shakespeare, rather than a historical curiosity or psychological aberration, tyranny is a perpetual political and human problem. Mary Ann McGrail's recovery of the playwright's perspective challenges the grounds of this modern critical silence. She locates Shakespeare's expansive definition of tyranny between the definitions accepted by classical and modern political philosophy. Is tyranny always the worst of all possible political regimes, as Aristotle argues in his Politics? Or is disguised tyranny, as Machiavelli proposes, potentially the best regime possible? These competing conceptions were practiced and debated in Renaissance thought, given expression by such political actors and thinkers as Elizabeth I, James I, Henrie Bullinger, Bodin, and others. McGrail focuses on Shakespeare's exploration of the conflicting and contradictory passions that make up the tyrant and finds that Shakespeare's dramas of tyranny rest somewhere between Aristotle's reticence and Machiavelli's forthrightness. Literature and politics intersect in Tyranny in Shakespeare, which will fascinate students and scholars of both.

Examines how many free societies have fallen to tyranny and looks at the possibility that the United States could be next.

This Palgrave Pivot examines how prominent thinkers throughout history, from ancient Greece to sixteenth-century France, have perceived tyrants and tyranny. Ancient philosophers such as Plato and Aristotle were the first to build a vocabulary for tyrants and the forms of government they corrupted. Thirteenth century analyses of tyranny by Thomas Aquinas and John of Salisbury, revived from Antiquity, were recast as short observations about what tyrants do. They claimed that tyrants govern for their own advantage, not for the people. Tyrants could be usurpers, increase taxes, and live in luxury. The list of tyrannical actions grew over time, especially in periods of turmoil and civil war, often raising the question: When can a tyrant be legitimately deposed or killed? In offering a brief biography of these political philosophers, including Machiavelli, Erasmus, More, Bodin, and others, along with their views on tyrannical behavior, Orest Ranum reveals how the concept of tyranny has been shaped over time, and how it still persists in political thought to this day.

Power grabs, partisan stand-offs, propaganda, and riots make for tantalizing fiction, but what do we do when that drama becomes a reality all around us? For a country founded as an escape from British tyranny, the United States seems to have devolved into a land where tyrants rise to power, sycophants blindly follow, and the entire nation suffers. As ancient Greek philosophers warned us, chaotic tragedy unfolds in the absence of reason, and the only cure is a return to wisdom and virtue. America’s founding fathers knew this lesson all too well and dreamed of an enlightened citizenry guided by better-than-ideological dictators. Using contemporary events to illuminate universal human weaknesses, Andrew Fiala charts the perennial history of tyrannical takeovers and the masses who support them and ultimately suffer under their rule. Ultimately, Fiala also points to a solution. Knowing the cyclical nature of tyranny, we can build safeguards against our worst inclinations and keep alive the freedoms our founding fathers envisioned for this nation.

This is the first comprehensive exploration of ancient and modern tyranny in the history of political thought. Waller R. Newell argues that modern tyranny and statecraft differ fundamentally from the classical understanding. Newell demonstrates a historical shift in emphasis from the classical thinkers' stress on the virtuous character of rulers and the need for civic education to the modern emphasis on impersonal institutions and cold-blooded political method. The turning point is Machiavelli's call for the conquest of nature. Newell traces the lines of influence from Machiavelli's new science of politics to the rise of Atlanticist republicanism in England and America, as well as the totalitarian regimes of the twentieth century and their effects on the present. By diagnosing the varieties of tyranny from erotic voluptuaries like Nero, the steely determination of reforming conquerors like Alexander the Great and Julius Caesar and modernizing despots such as Napoleon and Ataturk to the collectivist revolutions of the Jacobins, Bolsheviks, Nazis, and Khmer Rouge, Newell shows how tyranny is every bit as dangerous to free democratic societies today as it was in the past.

The nature of authority and rulership was a central concern in ancient Greece, where the figure of the king or tyrant and the sovereignty associated with him remained a powerful focus of political and philosophical debate even as Classical Athens developed the world's first democracy. This collection of essays examines the extraordinary role that the concept of tyranny played in the cultural and political imagination of Archaic and Classical Greece through the interdisciplinary perspectives provided by internationally known archaeologists, literary critics, and historians. The book ranges historically from the Bronze and early Iron Age to the political theorists and commentators of the middle of the fourth century B.C. and generically across tragedy, comedy, historiography, and philosophy. While offering individual and sometimes differing perspectives, the essays tackle several common themes: the construction of authority and of constitutional models, the importance of religion and ritual, the crucial role of wealth, and the autonomy of the individual. Moreover, the essays with an Athenian focus shed new light on the vexed question of whether it was possible for Athenians to think of themselves as tyrannical in any way. As a whole, the collection presents a nuanced survey of how competing ideologies and desires, operating through the complex associations of the image of tyranny, struggled for predominance in ancient cities and their citizens.