If you believe children should be seduced into warped sexual behavior by the Gay Elite, if you think confessed murderers should be set free by defense attorneys who know how to wield the race card, if you feel promiscuous gay men should be empowered to spread AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases, don’t read this book. But if you’ve always suspected that factions on the Left are trying to destroy the values that define our civilization, this book proves it. Through the pages of The Death of Right and Wrong, author, activist, and pundit Tammy Bruce takes you inside the chilling world of the Left—a place where morals and decency have been turned on their heads and the crisp distinction between Right and Wrong has been blurred into a mushy, gray mess. In this world, the Gay Elite exploit our children—under the guise of tolerance and education—to satisfy their sexual obsessions. In this world, the Black Elite laud convicted murderers as community heroes and award-winning “artists.” In this world, the Feminist Elite fawn over a woman who mercilessly killed all five of her children. And much more that will offend your sense of decency and threaten your basic values. Ms. Bruce smashes the facades of “Tolerance,” “Understanding,” and other Leftist slogans to reveal the ugly truth of their agenda. As a gay activist and former president of the Los Angeles chapter of the National Organization of Women, she witnessed firsthand the Left’s attempts to undermine our millennia-old code of morals and values, aided by politically biased media and academia. And if the news headlines of today are any indication, they’re winning the culture war. Unless we act now, we are doomed at the hands of special interest groups on the Left who want nothing more than to undermine our ability to judge right from wrong in order to foist their own selfish, anything-goes society on the rest of us. This book reveals what they’re doing, how they’re doing it, and what we can do to restore decency in our society. You’ll discover powerful tools in these pages to help you understand the psychology of the Left—what makes them tick and, more importantly, how to stop them from eroding our values completely. Full of controversial opinions and countless examples ripped from the headlines, The Death of Right and Wrong is a powerful, eye-opening book that you won’t want to be without.

First published in 2002. This is Volume VI of twelve in the Library of Philosophy series on Ethics. Written in 1971, this text looks at our knowledge of right and wrong and looks at topics of whether our knowledge of morality is a delusion and asks questions around moral judgment and they are subjective, the Universalization principle of a moral sense, God's commandments and human duties and finishes with suggestions of other reasons for actions.

This edition includes: "History of the Christian Church" is an eight volume account of Christian history written by Philip Schaff. In this great work Schaff covers the history of Christianity from the time of the apostles to the Reformation period. "The Creeds of Christendom, with a History and Critical Notes" is a three volume set in which Schaff is classifying and explaining many different statements of belief and articles of faith throughout the Christian history. He deals with the history of the creeds, starting with the Ecumenical creeds, and moving to Greek and Roman creeds, then Old Catholic Union creeds, and finally to the Evangelical creeds and Modern Protestant creeds.

Hegel's Philosophy of Right is a classic text in the history of Western political thought and one with which all serious students of political philosophy must engage. While it is a hugely important and exciting piece of philosophical writing, Hegel's ideas and style are notoriously difficult to understand and the content is particularly challenging. In Hegel's 'Philosophy of Right': A Reader's Guide, David Rose explains the philosophical and political background against which the book was written and, taking each part of the book in turn, guides the reader to a clear understanding of the text as a whole. This is the ideal companion to study of this most influential and challenging of texts, offering guidance on Philosophical and historical context Key themes Reading the text Reception and Influence Further Reading

After his intellectual biography, Saint Augustine of Hippo, Miles Hollingworth now turns his attention to one of Augustine's greatest modern admirers: The Austrian philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein. Wittgenstein's influence on post-war philosophical investigation has been pervasive, while his eccentric life has entered folklore. Yet his religious mysticism has remained elusive and undisturbed. In Ludwig Wittgenstein, Hollingworth continues to pioneer a new kind of biographical writing. It stands at the intersection of philosophy, theology and literary criticism, and is as much concerned with the secret agendas of life writing as it is with its Subjects. Here, Wittgenstein is allowed to become the ultimate test case. From first to last, his philosophy sought to demonstrate that intellectual certainty is a function of the method it employs, rather than a knowledge of the existence or non-existence of its objects--a devastating insight that appears to make the natural and the supernatural into equally useless examples of each other. This biography proceeds in the same way. Scattered in every direction by this challenge to meaning, it attempts to retrieve itself around the spirit of the man who could say such things. This act of recovery thus performs what could not otherwise be explained, which is something like Wittgenstein's private conversation with God.

In Texas, myth often clashes with the reality of everyday governance. The Nacogdoches author team (Ken Collier, Steven Galatas, & Julie Harrelson-Stephens) of Lone Star Politics explores the state’s rich political tradition and explains who gets what, and how by setting Texas in context with other states’ constitutions, policymaking, electoral practices, and institutions. Critical thinking questions and unvarnished “Winners and Losers” discussions guide students toward understanding Texas government. This Fifth Edition expands its coverage of civil rights in the state, and includes the contemporary issues that highlight the push and pull between federal, state, and local governments.

For many Americans, the election of Barack Obama as the country's first black president signaled that we had become a post-racial nation - some even suggested that race was no longer worth discussing. Of course, the evidence tells a very different story. And while social scientists are fully engaged in examining the facts of race, normative political thought has failed to grapple with race as an interesting moral case or as a focus in the expansive theory of social justice. Political thought's under participation in the debate over the status of blacks in American society raises serious concerns since the main academic task of political theory is to adjudicate discrepancies between the demands of ideal justice and social realities. Christopher J. Lebron contends that it is the duty of political thought to address the moral problems that attend racial inequality and to make those problems salient to a democratic polity. Thus, in The Color of Our Shame, he asks two major questions. First, given the success of the Civil Rights Act and the sharp decline in overt racist norms, how can we explain the persistence of systemic racial inequality? Second, once we have settled on an explanation, what might political philosophy have to offer in terms of a solution? In order to answer these questions Lebron suggests that we reconceive of racial inequality as a condition that marks the normative status of black citizens in the eyes of the nation. He argues that our collective response to racial inequality ought to be shame. While we reject race as a reason for marginalizing blacks on the basis of liberal democratic ideals, we fail to live up to those ideals - a situation that Lebron sees as a failure of national character. Drawing on a wide array of resources including liberal theory, virtue ethics, history, and popular culture, Lebron proposes a move toward a "perfectionist politics" that would compel a higher level of racially relevant moral excellence from individuals and institutions and enable America to meet the democratic ideals that it has set for itself.