The book examines the evolution of EU conflict prevention as an internal EU process and as an area of external cooperation with the UN, OSCE and NATO. Conflict prevention has emerged as a prominent EU policy in the post-Cold War era. Yet, how suited is the organisation to practice conflict prevention, and what does the record of cooperation with other key European organisations tell us about the EU's external priorities? The book critically analyses the EU's policy and outcomes to date, concluding that conflict prevention is underdeveloped by the EU, and is in danger of being marginalised in favour of shorter-term crisis management. Moreover, EU external cooperation reinforces this: the priority is cooperation in crisis management with the UN and NATO, rather than longer-term cooperation with the OSCE.

This book offers a comprehensive analysis of long- and short-term EU conflict prevention and crisis management policies undertaken in various theatres and policy domains, featuring case studies on West Africa, Afghanistan and the Caucasus.

Despite a long historical experience of cultural, economic, political and social interaction with Europe, South Asia has never been a region of frontline policy for the European Union, which has gradually emerged as the largest trading partner of most South Asian economies, a major contributor of developmental aid, and home to a large diaspora, mostly in the United Kingdom. Containing nine chapters by emerging and leading scholars in the field, this volume critically examines the motivations, objectives and impact of the European Union’s development cooperation, economic and foreign policy towards South Asia. It raises and seeks to answers questions like – What role can the EU play in easing tensions between India and Pakistan in times of crisis? Is there an official EU policy regarding Kashmir or the challenge of terrorism? What is the nature and prospects of the India-EU strategic partnership? The book explores the European Union’s concerns and policies towards fostering democracy in the region. It assesses the crisis management capabilities of the EU in Afghanistan, its role in conflict resolution in Sri Lanka, and the patterns, characteristics and challenges confronted by the South Asian diaspora in the United Kingdom. The study will be of interest to all those engaged in the fields of political science, international relations, European politics and foreign policy and Indian and South Asian foreign policy.

This book examines how the different normative foundations of conflict resolution held by various global actors, their understandings of justice, and the differences between types of conflict influence the varying means by which conflicts can be prevented, managed, and ultimately resolved. By combining insights from political theory, conflict studies, and European Union (EU) foreign policy studies, the book identifies the EU as the key case of a conflict manager that is both a product and a defender of a global liberal order. It focuses on three aspects of conflict resolution that pose their own sets of both normative and empirical dilemmas: resolving border disputes; strengthening the resilience of weak or divided states and societies after regime change, and intervention in humanitarian crises. Furthermore, it offers a comparative analysis between a potentially distinctive European approach and that of other global actors and reflects critically on situations where policy practice may not always reflect a concern for justice, asking what countervailing forces prevail and why. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students in European and EU Studies, Area studies, Conflict Resolution, War Studies, EU Foreign Policy Political Theory, International relations as well as policymakers.

This book provides the first comprehensive review of the European Union’s role in military conflict management beyond its borders and makes an important contribution to debates on the EU’s role in global security governance. The EU has launched five military operations within the framework of its Common Security and Defence Policy with the explicit purpose to help manage violent conflicts beyond its borders. This book develops a definition and a set of criteria for success in military conflict management and applies this new analytical framework in a comparative case study of the five EU military operations undertaken in Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Chad and the Central African Republic. Having evaluated their success the book goes on to explore the conditions under which military conflict management operations conducted by international organizations are successful and explores the implications of its findings for the future theory and practice of military conflict management. The European Union and Military Conflict Management will be of interest to students and scholars of security studies, conflict studies, European Union politics and foreign policy and global security governance.

This book investigates and explains the European Union’s approach to conflict resolution in three countries of the Western Balkans: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and Kosovo. In doing so, it critically interrogates claims that the EU acts as an agent of conflict transformation in its engagement with conflict-affected states. The book argues, contrary to the assumptions of much of the existing literature, that rather than seeking the transformation of conflicts, the EU pursues a more conservative strategy based on the regulation of conflict through the promotion of institutional mechanisms such as consociational power sharing and decentralisation. Drawing on discourse analysis of documents, speeches, and interviews conducted by the author with European Union officials and policy-makers in Brussels and the case-study countries, the book offers a theoretically grounded, methodologically rigorous and empirically detailed analysis of EU policy preferences, of the ideas that underpin them, and of how those preferences are legitimised. This book will be of key interest to scholars, students and practitioners interested in ethnic conflict and conflict resolution, the politics of the Balkans, and the external and foreign policies of the EU.

This innovative and forward looking work examines the Genoa summit agenda with a view to strengthening international conflict prevention institutions and identifying and analyzing economic early warning indicators. It devotes particular attention to the Italian contribution and approach and the ways in which it can be effectively implemented following the summit. The first book to compare the role of the G8 and the United Nations in conflict prevention and human security, The G8, the United Nations, and Conflict Prevention will be essential reading for academics, government officials and members of the business and media communities.

South Asia has been a region which has witnessed five full-scale interstate conflicts, where adversaries are major Asian powers armed with nuclear weapons, and where no country has been free from insurgencies and separatist movements. Containing eight essays by Indian and European experts, this volume examines the genesis, nature and features of the European Union’s policy of conflict resolution. It examines the causes, consequences and prospects of conflict in South Asia. It evaluates the role of the European Union in conflict resolution in Afghanistan, Myanmar, Nepal, and Sri Lanka. It also assesses Norway’s role in conflict resolution in Mynamar. The study will be of interest to all those engaged in the fields of political science, international relations, conflict studies, and Indian and South Asian politics and foreign policy.

"Never again!" the world has vowed time and again since the Holocaust. Yet genocide, ethnic cleansing, and other mass atrocity crimes continue to shock our consciences—from the killing fields of Cambodia to the machetes of Rwanda to the agony of Darfur. Gareth Evans has grappled with these issues firsthand. As Australian foreign minister, he was a key broker of the United Nations peace plan for Cambodia. As president of the International Crisis Group, he now works on the prevention and resolution of scores of conflicts and crises worldwide. The primary architect of and leading authority on the Responsibility to Protect ("R2P"), he shows here how this new international norm can once and for all prevent a return to the killing fields. The Responsibility to Protect captures a simple and powerful idea. The primary responsibility for protecting its own people from mass atrocity crimes lies with the state itself. State sovereignty implies responsibility, not a license to kill. But when a state is unwilling or unable to halt or avert such crimes, the wider international community then has a collective responsibility to take whatever action is necessary. R2P emphasizes preventive action above all. That includes assistance for states struggling to contain potential crises and for effective rebuilding after a crisis or conflict to tackle its underlying causes. R2P's primary tools are persuasion and support, not military or other coercion. But sometimes it is right to fight: faced with another Rwanda, the world cannot just stand by. R2P was unanimously adopted by the UN General Assembly at the 2005 World Summit. But many misunderstandings persist about its scope and limits. And much remains to be done to solidify political support and to build institutional capacity. Evans shows, compellingly, how big a break R2P represents from the past, and how, with its acceptance in principle and effective application in practice, the promise of "Never