The author was born Feb 1931 in a remote village of Pakistan. At age twenty he became Army officer and published first article at age 22: FORTY DAYS AMONG THE LUSHAIS, thereafter many more in social anthropology journals. War experiences: 1962 Sino-Indian War NEFA; 1965 Indo-Pak War Tank Brigade in Lahore- Khemkaran sector where main tank battle was fought in which Indian Centurions defeated America Pattons. He was member Planning Staff for Bangladesh Operations and was posted at Dacca during mid-December 1971. Cabinet Division of Government of Peoples Republic of Bangladesh appointed Col Gulati as Member Communication Cell of their government. An Army Engineer officer generally has to serve in M.E.S. --- the proverbial Money Earning Service wherein he found himself totally unfit. Therefore he sought premature retirement from the Army in 1978 and worked for about 8-10 years in Middle East countries as Project Manager on roads and housing projects including one in his private capacity in the Highway Authority of Government of Yemen Arab Republic. Green Card holder USA but now back HOME having earned some honest money: Petro-dollars! Col Gulati has authored-published 13 books on military history, biographical and philosophical subjects, besides venturing into the slippery field of politics. He is a prolific writer and has contributed general articles from time to time. After finishing his foreign contracts he settled down at Dehradun for Ph.D. Has thirteen books to his credit on historical-biographical-philosophical subjects besides one in the slippery field of politics. Did PhD in 2006, age 75

India is the only living ancient civilization which will soon be the most populous country in the World. Corruption remains India's biggest problem. In last about 72 years since India's independence, numerous laws and authorities have been created by India to deal with the menace of corruption. Even though several Chief Ministers, Ministers, Officials etc. are serving sentences of imprisonment in different prisons, the menace of corruption has not subsided. Since 2014 the India may have improved it's transparency rating but this does not change the ground realities of laws and enforcement authorities which are placed in a precarious flip flop course. This book starts with the historical aspects corruption in India and creation of various laws and Institutions and then proceeds to discuss various institutions created a watchdogs to reign in corruption. Thereafter it goes into actual problems of prosecution, conviction and sentencing etc. There is a special Chapter on the recently amended Money Laundering and Benami Laws which discusses both and analyses its provisions and implication on anti-corruption efforts in India. In the end the book deals with the politics around corruption which entangles in so any myriad way that it hinders eradication of corruption as also the problem of Elections which require huge funds which charts the cycle of corruption. In the last chapter there are few suggestions as well.

With Aristotle’s Teaching in the “Politics,” Thomas L. Pangle offers a masterly new interpretation of this classic philosophical work. It is widely believed that the Politics originated as a written record of a series of lectures given by Aristotle, and scholars have relied on that fact to explain seeming inconsistencies and instances of discontinuity throughout the text. Breaking from this tradition, Pangle makes the work’s origin his starting point, reconceiving the Politics as the pedagogical tool of a master teacher. With the Politics, Pangle argues, Aristotle seeks to lead his students down a deliberately difficult path of critical thinking about civic republican life. He adopts a Socratic approach, encouraging his students—and readers—to become active participants in a dialogue. Seen from this perspective, features of the work that have perplexed previous commentators become perfectly comprehensible as artful devices of a didactic approach. Ultimately, Pangle’s close and careful analysis shows that to understand the Politics, one must first appreciate how Aristotle’s rhetorical strategy is inextricably entwined with the subject of his work.

It was a court battle between the first Prime Minister of India Jawahar Lal Nehru and Organiser, an English weekly backed by the RSS that led to restrictions on freedom of expression which we are debating today. The RSS had defended the sacred Sikh Shrine ‘Darbar Sahib’ at Amritsar twice when Muslim League led mobs attacked it in 1947. Did you know that one single anti-India and pro-China book ‘India’s China War’ written by Anglo-Australian journalist Neville Maxwell shaped the global narrative against India for more than five decades. It was a Swedish journalist Bertil Lintner who challenged it and turned the tables on Chinese propaganda with his book ‘China’s India War’ but even Indians don’t talk about it. Everyone remembers the 1962 war when India lost to China but there was another war in 1967 on Sikkim border where India took the revenge of 1967 and defeated China. Most of us don’t even know about this great victory! Indians have been made to remember the 1962 defeat and forget the glorious victory of 1967. Many such stories which comprise the forgotten history of India are part of this book. This forgotten history of India has been buried deep down in the dusty archives waiting to be told.

In this fascinating book, Jorge Luis Andrade Fernandes critically examines the impact of colonialism and postcolonial migration on the politics and identity of Euro-American imperial powers. It considers how ‘outsiders’ are part of the construction of the ‘native’ identity of the nation-state, and also how they challenge its essential coherence when they ‘return’ to the centre in our increasingly globalized world. Engaging in a theoretically-motivated discussion of a range of sources (film, fiction, political theory and state policy); the volume traces the nomadic movement of bodies across national frontiers, helping us to question any natural link between nation-states and identities, and between places and peoples. This is not merely a theoretical problem, as Fernandes relates it to the very current crisis of nativistic / multicultural identity in the West. He examines how politics takes shape in transnational social and cultural encounters, and how this new politics is not just about containing aliens, but also contains fruitful possibilities for different modes of being. Challenging Euro-America's Politics of Identity will be of interest to advanced students and scholars in politics, geography, postcolonial studies, cultural studies, African and African-American studies, comparative literature, American studies, and Ethnic studies.

The Sword and the Cross is a study of the relationships that exist between politics and ethics. Its intention is to point out that moral convictions conceived and implemented without political wisdom can be bankrupt and that geopolitical strategy formulated and effected without ethical character can be disastrous. Toner contends that politics and ethics are different sides of the same coin. Therefore commanders (that is, leaders in politics and government, in diplomacy, and in the military) must develop both strategic sense and ethical intuition. A study of the relationship between the sacred and the profane, this book promotes an understanding of the ways in which power and purpose can--and must--be complementary. This study concludes that violence and conflict are part of human existence and that full and final redemption from our struggles is the gift of grace--and not of human artifice. At the same time, we have the burden (and the glory) of doing all we can to achieve our own safety and happiness, which requires political and military prudence. The reconciliation of faith or conscience with power or command is the task of leaders who are informed by civic virtue. In turn, civic virtue is the product of wise education rooted in serious study of what ought to be as well as of what is; but ethically impoverished modern education too rarely asks questions about visions of the Good. Because these conclusions are rooted in a controversial religious and philosophical tradition, they will generally challenge the accepted views in the field.

Among the most expensive--and most profitable--films of all time, the works of James Cameron have had a profound effect upon popular culture and the technology of moviemaking. Yet the very blockbuster nature of his films means that the political commentary, cultural discourse and rich symbolism within the works are often overlooked. From The Terminator to Avatar, the director has evinced a persistence of themes, concerns and visions that capture the contemporary zeitgeist. This collection of essays on James Cameron's films, written by a diverse group of scholars from a wide range of disciplines, provides a comprehensive exploration of the work and legacy of one of America's foremost filmmakers.

Original essays on the political and philosophical underpinnings of the idea of human rights by a group of highly distinguished theorists.

In this book Henry A. Giroux passionately argues that education and critical pedagogy are needed now more than ever to combat injustices in our society caused by fake news, toxic masculinity, racism, consumerism and white nationalism. At the heart of the book is the idea that pedagogy has the power to create narratives of desire, values, identity, and agency at time when these narratives are being manipulated to promote right wing populism and emerging global fascist politics. The book expands on the notion of the plague as not only a medical crisis but also a crisis of politics, ethics, education, and democracy itself. The chapters cover a range topics beginning with historical perspectives on fascism and moving on to issues of social atomization, depoliticization, neoliberal pedagogy, the scourge of staggering inequality, populism, and pandemic pedagogy. The book concludes with a call for educators to make education central to politics, develop a discourse of critique and possibility, reclaim the vision of a radical democracy, and embrace their role as powerful agents of change.