The history of Greek civilisation forms the centre of the history of antiquity. In the East, advanced civilisations with settled states had existed for thousands of years; and as the populations of Western Asia and of Egypt gradually came into closer political relations, these civilisations, in spite of all local differences in customs, religion, and habits of thought, gradually grew together into a uniform sphere of culture. This development reached its culmination in the rise of the great Persian universal monarchy, the “kingdom of the lands,” i.e. “of the world.” But from the very beginning these oriental civilisations are so completely dominated by the effort to maintain what has been won that all progress beyond this point is prevented. And although we can distinguish an individual, active, and progressive intellectual movement among many nations,—as in Egypt, among the Iranians and Indians, while among the Babylonians and Phœnicians nothing of the sort is thus far known,—nevertheless the forces that represent tradition are in the end everywhere victorious over it and force it to bow to their yoke. Hence, all oriental civilisations culminate in the creation of a theological system which governs all the relations and the whole field of thought of man, and is everywhere recognised as having existed from all eternity and as being inviolable to all future time. With the cessation of political life and the establishment of the universal monarchy, the nationality and the distinctive civilisation of the separate districts are restricted to religion, which has become theology. The development of oriental civilisation then subsides in the competition of these religions and the unavoidable coalescence consequent thereupon. This is true even of that nation which experienced the richest intellectual development, and did the most important work of all oriental peoples—the Israelites. When the great political storms from which the universal monarchy arose have spent their rage, Israel, the nation, has developed into Judaism; and under the Persian rule and with the help of the kingdom it organises itself as a church which seeks to put an end to all free individual movement, upon which the greatness of ancient Israel rests. It was just the same with the ruling nation, the Persians, however vigorous their entrance into history under Cyrus. The Persian kingdom is, indeed, a civilised state, but the civilisations that it includes lack the highest that a civilisation can offer: an energetic, independent life, a combination of the firm institutions and permanent attainments of the past with the free, progressive, and creative movement of individuality. So the East, after the Persian period, was unable of its own force to create anything new. It stagnated, and, had it not received new elements from without, had it been left permanently to itself, would perhaps in the course of centuries have altered its external form again and again, but would hardly have produced anything new or have progressed a step beyond what had already been attained. But when Cyrus and Darius founded the Persian kingdom, the East no longer stood alone. The nations and kingdoms of the East came into communication with the coast of the Mediterranean very early—not later than the beginning of the second millennium B.C.; and under their influence, about 1500 B.C., a civilisation arose among the Greeks bordering the Ægean. We call it the Mycenæan, and in spite of its formal dependence upon the East it could, in the field of art (where alone we have an exact knowledge of it), take an independent and equal place beside the great civilisations of the East.

A complete world history should, properly speaking, begin with the creation of the world as man’s habitat, and should trace every step of human progress from the time when man first appeared on the globe. Unfortunately, the knowledge of to-day does not permit us to follow this theoretical obligation. We now know that the gaps in the history of human evolution as accessible to us to-day, vastly exceed the recorded chapters; that, in short, the period with which history proper has, at present, to content itself, is a mere moment in comparison with the vast reaches of time which, in recognition of our ignorance, we term “prehistoric.” But this recognition of limitations of our knowledge is a quite recent growth—no older, indeed, than a half century. Prior to 1859 the people of Christendom rested secure in the supposition that the chronology of man’s history was fully known, from the very year of his creation. One has but to turn to the first chapter of Genesis to find in the margin the date 4004 B.C., recorded with all confidence as the year of man’s first appearance on the globe. One finds there, too, a brief but comprehensive account of the manner of his appearance, as well as of the creation of the earth itself, his abiding-place. Until about half a century ago, as has just been said, the peoples of our portion of the globe rested secure in the supposition that this record and this date were a part of our definite knowledge of man’s history. Therefore, one finds the writers of general histories of the earlier days of the nineteenth century beginning their accounts with the creation of man, B.C. 4004, and coming on down to date with a full and seemingly secure chronology. Our knowledge of the world and of man’s history has come on by leaps and bounds since then, with the curious result that to-day no one thinks of making any reference to the exact date of the beginnings of human history,—unless, indeed, it be to remark that it probably reaches back some hundreds of thousands of years. The historian can speak of dates anterior to 4004 B.C., to be sure. The Egyptologist is disposed to date the building of the Pyramids a full thousand years earlier than that. And the Assyriologist is learning to speak of the state of civilisation in Chaldea some 6000 or 7000 years B.C. with a certain measure of confidence. But he no longer thinks of these dates as standing anywhere near the beginning of history. He knows that man in that age, in the centres of progress, had attained a high stage of civilisation, and he feels sure that there were some thousands of centuries of earlier time, during which man was slowly climbing through savagery and barbarism, of which we have only the most fragmentary record. He does not pretend to know anything, except by inference, of the “dawnings of civilisation.” Whichever way he turns in the centres of progress, such as China, Egypt, Chaldea, India, he finds the earliest accessible records, covering at best a period of only eight or ten thousand years, giving evidence of a civilisation already far advanced. Of the exact origin of any one of the civilisations with which he deals he knows absolutely nothing. “The Creation of Man,” with its fixed chronology, is a chapter that has vanished from our modern histories. To be continue in this ebook...

This is an expanded version of a lecture given in the Departments of History and Classics at Harvard in 1998. Starting from a methodological point of view, this book show the evolution of the idea of world history through the works of Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon, Ctesias, Ephorus, Polybius and others up to the historians of the Augustan epoch.

This very readable 1900 work became a standard textbook on ancient Greek history to the death of Alexander the Great.

"Burstein’s The Essential Greek Historians is an excellent collection of texts representing the development of historiography in the ancient Greek world. Each text is presented in an engaging and readable translation, with an insightful introduction exploring the purposes behind its composition, the significance of its contribution to the growth of historiography as a literary genre, and the context in which its author thought and wrote. These texts include not only familiar favorites like Herodotus and Thucydides, but also sources such as The Parian Marble and Memnon’s History of Heracleia, which give a broader and richer view of the ways in which Greeks engaged with history. In one economical volume, Burstein has created an indispensable introduction to the historical thought of the ancient Greeks. No student of Greek historiography should be without it." —Erik Jensen, Salem State University Includes an introduction, maps, and selections from Herodotus' The Histories, Thucydides' History of the Peloponnesian War, Xenophon's The Hellenica, Aristotle's The Constitution of Athens, The Parian Marble, Polybius' The Histories, Memnon's History of Heracleia, Plutarch's Life of Alexander. See the full Table of Contents on the www.hackettpublishing.com book title page.

YAHWEH (The LORD God) and His Son YAHSHUAH (Jesus Christ) made statements with regard to Eschatology that have been “Spiritualized” for over a Millennium, which has led to the belief in Universalism, the belief that YAHSHUAH died for EVERYONE. Well, after one studies the original languages of the Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek, the message of the Kingdom of God was preached to and accepted by a certain House in the Bible. The other House rejected this message, and YAHSHUAH punished that House by taking the Kingdom away from them and giving It to another nation bringing forth fruit. There are only the House of Israel, the House of Judah, and the House of David, mentioned in the Bible. All three existed then, as they do today. However, most of today’s Babylonian Priesthood/Churchianity refuses to accept the secular historical position with regard to the House of Israel, and who they are today. The people groups, which YAHWEH and YAHSHUAH addressed, still exist today. However, these people are all mixed-up, and known by different names, but they DO exist. This book goes back to the origin of these people groups in the Bible, and brings them forward to the present using their old names, in order to understand Eschatology. This brings us to the major question of, “Is the Bible only about Israel?” And, if so, how does it affect our Eschatology today? This book answers these hard questions...

The Peloponnesian War resonates with contemporary events like few other episodes in ancient history. Though a democracy, Athens warred with its neighbors for decades in a doomed bid to secure its Aegean and Mediterranean empire. The ambitious city-state's eventual reward was defeat and tyrannical rule, effectively ending Athens's Golden Age, which flourished during the war in the fifth century BC. Not coincidentally did Athens flourish economically, militarily, artistically, and philosophically during the fifth century BC. Empire created great wealth, which supported the then novel democratic government. Wealth also supported the arts and letters. This was the time of Socrates, Plato, Aristophanes, Perikles and Thucydides, figures whose works and musings on war and its effects are widely read to this day. Designed as an accessible introduction to this immensely important event, The Peloponnesian War offers readers and researchers an appealing mix of descriptive chapters, biographical sketches, and annotated primary documents. An overview of the war is presented, followed a presentation of Thucydides' account of the war's causes. A look at the intertwined, some would say poisoned, relation of democracy and empire is offered, as are chapters on how the war was represented in plays, statuary, and pottery. The ethics of war are delved into by detailing the life, teachings, and eventual death of Socrates. And, critically, a chapter is devoted to those who most often suffer the harmful consequence of war: women. A glossary of terms is present, as is an annotated timeline, maps, useful illustrations, an annotated bibliography, and a thorough index.