This book problematizes the ways in which the discourses of colorblindness and post-raciality are articulated in the age of Obama. Pinder debunks the myth that race does not matter and reconsiders the presumptive hegemony of whiteness through the dialectics of visibility and invisibility of race.

Civil War officer, Reconstruction "carpetbagger," best-selling novelist, and relentless champion of equal rights--Albion Tourgée battled his entire life for racial justice. Now, in this engaging biography, Mark Elliott offers an insightful portrait of a fearless lawyer, jurist, and writer, who fought for equality long after most Americans had abandoned the ideals of Reconstruction. Elliott provides a fascinating account of Tourgée's life, from his childhood in the Western Reserve region of Ohio (then a hotbed of abolitionism), to his years as a North Carolina judge during Reconstruction, to his memorable role as lead plaintiff's counsel in the landmark Supreme Court case Plessy v. Ferguson. Tourgée's brief coined the phrase that justice should be "color-blind," and his career was one long campaign to make good on that belief. A redoubtable lawyer and an accomplished jurist, Tourgée's writings represent a mountain of dissent against the prevailing tide of racial oppression. A poignant and inspiring study in courage and conviction, Color-Blind Justice offers us an unforgettable portrayal of Albion Tourgée and the principles to which he dedicated his life.

Challenging recent trends both in historical scholarship and in Supreme Court decisions on civil rights, J. Morgan Kousser criticizes the Court's "postmodern equal protection" and demonstrates that legislative and judicial history still matter for public policy. Offering an original interpretation of the failure of the First Reconstruction (after the Civil War) by comparing it with the relative success of the Second (after World War II), Kousser argues that institutions and institutional rules--not customs, ideas, attitudes, culture, or individual behavior--have been the primary forces shaping American race relations throughout the country's history. Using detailed case studies of redistricting decisions and the tailoring of electoral laws from Los Angeles to the Deep South, he documents how such rules were designed to discriminate against African Americans and Latinos. Kousser contends that far from being colorblind, Shaw v. Reno (1993) and subsequent "racial gerrymandering" decisions of the Supreme Court are intensely color-conscious. Far from being conservative, he argues, the five majority justices and their academic supporters are unreconstructed radicals who twist history and ignore current realities. A more balanced view of that history, he insists, dictates a reversal of Shaw and a return to the promise of both Reconstructions.

From 1840 to 1960 the profoundest claim of Americans who fought the institution of segregation was that the government had no business sorting citizens by the color of their skin. During these years the moral and political attractiveness of the antidiscrimination principle made it the ultimate legal objective of the American civil rights movement. Yet, in the contemporary debate over the politics and constitutional law of race, the vital theme of antidiscrimination has been largely suppressed. Thus a strong line of argument laying down one theoretical basis for the constitutional protection of civil rights has been lost. Andrew Kull provides us with the previously unwritten history of the color-blind idea. From the arguments of Wendell Phillips and the Garrisonian abolitionists, through the framing of the Fourteenth Amendment and Justice Harlan's famous dissent in Plessy, civil rights advocates have consistently attempted to locate the antidiscrimination principle in the Constitution. The real alternative, embraced by the Supreme Court in 1896, was a constitutional guarantee of reasonable classification. The government, it said, had the power to classify persons by race so long as it acted reasonably; the judiciary would decide what was reasonable. In our own time, in Brown v. Board of Education and the decisions that followed, the Court nearly avowed the rule of color blindness that civil rights lawyers continued to assert; instead, it veered off for political and tactical reasons, deciding racial cases without stating constitutional principle. The impoverishment of the antidiscrimination theme in the Court's decision prefigured the affirmative action shift in the civil rights agenda. The social upheaval of the 1960s put the color-blind Constitution out of reach for a quartercentury or more; but for the hard choices still to be made in racial policy, the colorblind tradition of civil rights retains both historical and practical significance.

A black professor of classics takes on the cult of diversity, equity, and inclusion. In this compelling appeal to true justice, he demolishes the identity politics that makes a travesty of Martin Luther King’s dream. Martin Luther King’s dream of a colorblind society is dead. Powerful political, educational, and corporate forces are making race the defining feature of American life, and nobody dares to stop them. Naively confident in the “marketplace of ideas,” conservatives have done nothing as cultural Marxists have rewritten America’s history and redefined its ideals. But we can’t assume that poisonous ideas will simply wither when exposed to the light. The truth, argues the maverick black scholar Andre Archie, requires a spirited defense. In The Virtue of Colorblindness, Archie exposes the injustice of our emerging civil religion. Radical ideologues now teach our children that colorblindness is racism, while the “Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion” industry promotes policies that punish some people and reward others because of the color of their skin. Far from helping black Americans—or any other Americans—these racists of the left are sowing division, tribalism, and resentment. The attack on colorblindness is anti-American and does not deserve a respectful hearing. It’s time to fight back.

This book summarizes and integrates the social scientific research on racial colorblindness, focusing primarily on work within the field of psychology. A new multi-variety colorblind framework is presented, which provides theoretical coherence to the present literature as well as a guide for future research. After considering the historical context in which colorblind ideologies have manifested and operated, research is presented that establishes how the colorblind mentality ignores important racial realities and tends to harm racial minorities across a wide variety of domains. Beneficial alternative ideologies are discussed, as are strategies that may be useful in challenging the colorblind ideology. This book will be of interest to both researchers and theorists who study racial ideology, as well as social justice advocates and practitioners who contend with racial colorblindness in real-world contexts.

Adoption in a Color-blind Society illustrates how the political economy of private domestic adoption intersects with the political economy of racism to generate quite different demands for infants and children of different races and how the private adoption arena responds to these demands. This book argues that rather than moving towards a color-blind democracy, we instead live in a context where race continues to matter substantially, particularly in arenas 'closest to home.'

First published in 1996. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

"In The Colorblind Screen, the contributors examine television's role as the major discursive medium in the articulation and contestation of racialized identities in the United States. While the dominant mode of televisual racialization has shifted to a "colorblind" ideology that foregrounds racial differences in order to celebrate multicultural assimilation, the volume investigates how this practice denies the significant social, economic, and political realities and inequalities that continue to define race relations today. Focusing on such iconic figures as President Obama, LeBron James, and Oprah Winfrey, many chapters examine the ways in which race is read by television audiences and fans. Other essays focus on how visual constructions of race in dramas like 24, Sleeper Cell, and The Wanted continue to conflate Arab and Muslim identities in post-9/11 television. The volume offers an important intervention in the study of the televisual representation of race, engaging with multiple aspects of the mythologies developing around notions of a "post-racial" America and the duplicitous discursive rationale offered by the ideology of colorblindness." -- Publisher's website.