When German physicists Otto Hahn and Fritz Strassman first split the uranium atom in 1938, they might have little imagined the potential power their experiments had unleashed. Since the United States successfully detonated the first atomic weapons in 1945, the entire world has lived in fear of annihilation. Technological advances in weaponry and, importantly, their delivery systems have only heightened the sense of dread. Yet, since the end of World War II, world governments have been unable to agree on a strategy for nuclear disarmament. This led first to the Cold War and ultimately to the proliferation of nuclear weapons throughout the world. This work examines the nuclear question within the framework of international law. The advent of the nuclear age and its impact on postwar peace and law is first covered. This is followed by analyses of the initial United Nations disarmament initiatives and the reasons they were doomed from the start. The globalization of the Cold War, the expansion of the nuclear arms race, and the START treaties and the legacy of 1970s-era detente efforts in the years leading up to the end of the Cold War are then detailed. How the United Nations reacted to the end of the Cold War and the prospects for disarmament in the 21st century are the subjects of the concluding section.

Centered on progressiveness, these essays rigorously address some philosophical, conceptual and structural issues relating to the international legal system, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the international criminal tribunals. These include: the concept of the international law of co-progressiveness, opinio juris and customary international law, the rule of law, the interpretation of the ICJ Statute, law and expedience at the ICJ, the relationship between the International Criminal Court and the Security Council, the definition of crimes against humanity, guilty plea fairness, defenses to international crimes, constitutions of international organizations, September 11 and international law, international experiment in national constitution-making, discretionary function and foreign sovereign immunities, and the concept of human rights in Asia. This book is valuable to critical thinkers and scholars in international law and relations, policy-makers and international judges, practitioners and NGO advocates. This collection includes fourteen essays both new and previously published in fine journals such as European JIL (Oxford), ICLQ (Oxford), German YIL, Max Planck YUNL, Columbia LR, Leiden JIL (Cambridge) and Chinese JIL.

This is the first volume in a large-scale collaborative research project intended to focus the attention of international lawyers and social scientists on the near future of the international legal order. Sponsored by Princeton University with support from the Ford Foundation, the project seeks to stimulate research and provide an intellectual focus for the elucidation of the constructive role law can play in maintaining peace and improving welfare and dignity in the world. The contributors have been urged to engage in their respective areas of expertise in non-utopian forecasting that will enable law to contribute more creatively, by anticipating the range of feasible responses, to the solution of emerging problems in the international environment. Originally published in 1969. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

First published in 1981. The Council of the London Institute of World Affairs has carefully reconsidered the lessons to be drawn from the Institute's record in its first half-century and reshaped its plans of activities for the 1980s. As in an earlier "cold peace" era, the Council is united in its resolve not to be taken by surprise by any of the contingencies that, on a darkening world scene , must be anticipated in medium-range planning.

The errors - military, political, and not least diplomatic - in the continuing unfolding of the Yugoslav tragedy over the decade since the Fall of the Berlin Wall and the final ending of the Cold War, offer certain lessons. It had been confidently predicted that the complex, multi-national Yugoslav state created by the World War I victors at Versailles in 1919, and continued by the post-World War II peace settlements, would not long survive Marshal Tito's death. As it happened, when the moment of truth arrived the concert of Western European powers had no clear and coherent plans ready for a rational brokering of the resulting problems of State Succession, including renewed federal or confederal structures, and peaceful and orderly transfer and relocation of civil populations if fragmentation and independence were to be the immediate policy options. The rush to a 'premature' State Recognition by one or more leading Western European political players, without having any congress of Berlin-style game-plan ready to guide and direct this, may have triggered the on-rush of political and military events that led, in quick succession, to the Bosnian and then the Kosovo tragedies of the 1990s. The author, currently President of the Institut de Droit International and a jurisconsult and advisor, over the years, to international and national governmental authorities, examines consequences and challenges for International Law and Law-making, as we enter the new Millennium. Taking note of the antinomies and contradictions inherent in Classical International Law Categories like Territorial Integrity and the Self-determination of Peoples, the Non-Use-of-Force and Collective (regional) Self-Defence, the author considers, in particular, the direct conflict, in the case of both Bosnia and Kosovo, between the United Nations Charter principle of Non-Intervention and the claimed 'New' International Law principle of Humanitarian Intervention. The legally permissible modalities and structures and processes for exercise of Humanitarian Intervention, in accord with the United Nations Charter and also general International Law, are canvassed and weighed.

This edited collection offers a new approach to the study of Italy’s foreign policy from the 1960s to the end of the Cold War, highlighting its complex and sometimes ambiguous goals, due to the intricacies of its internal system and delicate position in the fault line of the East-West and North-South divides. According to received opinion, during the Cold War era Italy was more an object rather than a factor in active foreign policy, limiting itself to paying lip service to the Western alliance and the European integration process, without any pretension to exerting a substantial international influence. Eleven contributions by leading Italian historians reappraise Italy’s international role, addressing three complex and intertwined issues, namely, the country’s political-diplomatic dimension; the economic factors affecting Rome’s international stance; and Italy’s role in new approaches to the international system and the influence of political parties’ cultures in the nation’s foreign policy.