A comprehensive and systematic account of Marx and Engel's ideology and the propositions intimately connected with it.

This work explores the question of defining ideology from a Marxist perspective. Advancing beyond the schemas of discussion presented in current Marxist literature, the author offers an account of how the concept of ideology should be defined and what role it plays within historical materialism. Through a close reading of Karl Marx’s relevant writings, this volume demonstrates that while there is no coherent, single account of ideology in Marx’s work, his materialist framework can be reconstructed in a defensible and ‘non-deterministic’ way. The definition of ideology presented is then articulated through a close reading of Antonio Gramsci’s Prison Notebooks. Efforts are also made to demonstrate that Gramsci’s interpretation of historical materialism is indeed consistent and compatible with Marx’s. A systematic articulation of a theory of ideology that combines the works of Marx and Gramsci, as well as adding elements of Pierre Bourdieu’s social theory and William James’s psychology, this volume will appeal to scholars of social and political theory with interests in political economy and Marxist thought.

Ernesto Laclau is best known for co-authoring Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, with Chantal Mouffe. Politically active in the social and student movements of the 1960s, and a member of PSIN (Socialist Party of the National Left), Laclau’s oeuvre links the working class and new social movements. Rejecting Marxist economic determinism and the notion of class struggle, Laclau instead urged for a radical democracy where antagonisms could be expressed. Frequently described as post-Marxist, Laclau’s writings have focused on political movements. Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory was Laclau’s first published work, where readers can trace the early formation of ideas that shaped the twentieth century.

Since the 1920s, scholars have promoted a set of manuscripts, long abandoned by Marx and Engels, to canonical status in book form as The German Ideology, and in particular its 'first chapter,' known as 'I. Feuerbach.' Part one of this revolutionary study relates in detail the political history through which these manuscripts were editorially fabricated into editions and translations, so that they could represent an important exposition of Marx's 'theory of history.' Part two presents a wholly-original view of the so-called 'Feuerbach' manuscripts in a page-by-page English-language rendition of these discontinuous fragments. By including the hitherto devalued corrections that each author made in draft, the new text invites the reader into a unique laboratory for their collaborative work. An 'Analytical Introduction' shows how Marx's and Engels's thinking developed in duologue as they altered individual words and phrases on these 'left-over' polemical pages.

This book deals with substantive issues that have the potential to enhance our understanding regarding how Marxist theory can be quite useful in interpreting Black specificities and the race paradigm. So far, Marxist theory has been excluded because it is supposedly class and economy reductionist, but the essence of this theory-dialectic-not only proves that it is a meaningful way of seeing racism for what it truly is, but also a way of filtering through the plethora of interpretations of what constitutes race. The timeliness of the approach should help revive discussion on ethnophilosophy as an ideology. So much academic consideration has led scholars to seriously underestimate ideology's extraordinary efficiency in blending into lived experience to the point where much of its most telling effects have become undetectable. This work suggests that critical theory must reorient itself and offers an important discussion on the dominant discourse of poststructuralism, postmodernism, postcolonialism, Marxism, African socialism, NZgritude, and Afrocentricity. The book's approach sheds a radical light on the claim for Black specificities and racism. It shows that racial and ethnological discourses are ideological and political mystifications, masking exploitation. Under such circumstances, racial and racist ideologies become cards to be played by the perpetrators or the victims, as the case studies of Haiti and South Africa illustrate. As can be seen, then, the intelligibility of racism and its various forms can only stem from an analysis of the social structures upon which they rest. Just to show how inextricably linked ideology, race, racism, political expansion, and economic domination are, the book looks at Africa and its Diaspora, revealing how Africans remain the scapegoat for racial 'othering' in the global economy's ideological praxis. In so doing, the book is also able to include African intellectuals' perspectives that have often been omitted from the dialogue on critical theory, race, racism, and Black specificities.

In Revelations of Ideology, G. Anthony Keddie proposes a new theory of the social function of Judaean apocalyptic texts produced in Early Roman Palestine (63 BCE–70 CE). In contrast to evaluations of Jewish and early Christian apocalyptic texts as “literature of the oppressed” or literature of resistance against empire, Keddie demonstrates that scribes produced apocalyptic texts to advance ideologies aimed at self-legitimation. By revealing that their opponents constituted an exploitative class, scribes generated apocalyptic ideologies that situated them in the same exploited class as their constituents. Through careful historical and ideological criticism of the Psalms of Solomon, Parables of Enoch, Testament of Moses, and Q source, Keddie identifies an internally diverse tradition of apocalyptic class rhetoric in late Second Temple Judaism.

The Marxist ideology based on false foundations was the cause II World War and the suffering of the peoples of Europe and the ideological offensive carried out by Soviet Russia around the world. I expose the falsehood of Karl Marx's ideology and the ideology of his followers in the following work. William Stanley Jevons (1835-1882) shortly before his death formulated theory on the connection between commercial crises and sunspots. He was right what we know now in the XXI century but Karl Marx's theory about permanent crises of capitalism was widely adverised in the XIX century by scientific circles. Karl Marx was wrong also about the struggle of classes as a driving force of history because the climate changes are undoubtedly driving force of history (what I shoved in my research). The only excuse of Marx's theory of the need for revolution is poor knowledge in the XIX century about cosmic reasons earthly historical and economical processes and cruelty of feudal elites in Europe.

First published in 1991, this is a reissue of the path-breaking Dictionary of Conservative and Libertarian Thought, the first book to examine the ideals and arguments produced by the intellectual traditions of both conservatism and classical liberalism. Covering the ideas of many such distinguished thinkers as Hayek, Scruton, Friedman and Buchanan, the volume provides a valuable survey of the historical development of both schools of thought in all of the major western countries and their contributions to contemporary debates. From American Conservatism to French Liberalism, Invisible Hand to Organic Society, from Scientism to Scepticism and Utopianism to Voluntarism, this is a vital work whose reissue will be welcomed as much by the keen layperson as by students of political science, the history of philosophy, economics and public policy.