In 1952, Frank L. Klingberg's article on introvert and extrovert American foreign policy moods projected an American turn toward introversion in the late 1960s. After this came to pass, Jack Holmes began to develop a theory of how these moods might work in a more specific sense. His mood/interest theory points to a basic conflict between politico-military interests and the foreign policy moods of the American electorate. Holmes presents a pioneering account of the over-whelming impact of public moods on foreign policy. Policy-making structures, executive-legislative relations, presidential personality, pragmatism, moralism, elitism, conservatism, international economics, and humanitarianism are related to the mood/interest pattern. Major points are illustrated with examples from 1776 to the present. Holmes's analysis indicates that American moods are continuing unabated according to past patterns, so that American foreign policy may undergo some surprising changes in the next decade. One of the author's hopes is that emphasis on the importance of national moods will help avoid future extremes. This book is bold in its assertions and points to major problems in the analysis of American foreign policy. Whether or not the reader agrees with the entire analysis, he or she will be challenged to think about American foreign policy in new and perhaps revealing ways.

Koreans historically consider their country as a victim of foreign powers – sometimes seeing themselves as a shrimp among whales. In fact, Korea's national status has to a great extent been determined by the historical rivalries between the great powers. This collection of essays, produced over time by one of Korea's leading political scientists, probes many of the fundamental post-Korean-War issues South Korea has wrestled with in the context of its foreign policy positions, not least the question of how it actually defines its foreign policy, its relationship with the United States, and the ever-present security issues. Other essays examine the role of the US on the Korean peninsula after the end of the Cold War; what policy directions South Korea should take towards North Korea; what is North Korea's security policy; and what are the conditions for reunification. This thought-provoking volume provides a valuable overarching framework towards a more informed understanding of how South Korea's relationship with the outside world has evolved in the twentieth century and the manner in which it is likely to do business in the twenty-first.

Examination of the aims, methods, and recently renewed emphasis of Soviet education on the molding of model socialist citizens. A textbook for students of international relations, which provides a British perspective on the relationship between the process and the substance of US foreign policy since the mid-sixties. Dumbrell (social sciences, Manchester Polytechnic) draws on both original case studies and the extensive secondary literature. Distributed by St. Martin's. Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR

The same aspects of American government and society that propelled the United States to global primacy have also hampered its orderly and successful conduct of foreign policy. This paradox challenges U.S. leaders to overcome threats to America's world power in the face of fast-moving global developments and political upheavals at home. The fully updated Fifth Edition of Steven W. Hook’s U.S. Foreign Policy: The Paradox of World Power explores this paradox, identifies its key sources and manifestations, and considers its future implications as it asks whether U.S. foreign policymakers can manage these dynamics in a manner that preserves U.S. primacy.

Ole Holsti, one of the deans of US foreign policy analysis, examines the complex factors involved in the policy decision-making process including the beliefs and cognitive processes of foreign policy leaders and the influence public opinion has on foreign policy. The essays, in addition to being both theoretically and empirically rich, are historical in breadth--with essays on Vietnam--as well as contemporary in relevance--with essays on public opinion and foreign policy after 9/11.

Explores the role of public opinion in the conduct of foreign relations.

This book examines the various meanings and reviews the history of bipartisan foreign policymaking since World War II, presenting documents relating to bipartisan foreign policy and discussing legislative-executive consultation on foreign policy.

What is the long-term nature of American foreign policy? This new book refutes the claim that it has varied considerably across time and space, arguing that key policies have been remarkably stable over the last hundred years, not in terms of ends but of means. Closely examining US foreign policy, past and present, David Sylvan and Stephen Majeski draw on a wealth of historical and contemporary cases to show how the US has had a 'client state' empire for at least a century. They clearly illustrate how much of American policy revolves around acquiring clients, maintaining clients and engaging in hostile policies against enemies deemed to threaten them, representing a peculiarly American form of imperialism. They also reveal how clientilism informs apparently disparate activities in different geographical regions and operates via a specific range of policy instruments, showing predictable variation in the use of these instruments. With a broad range of cases from US policy in the Caribbean and Central America after the Spanish-American War, to the origins of the Marshall Plan and NATO, to economic bailouts and covert operations, and to military interventions in South Vietnam, Kosovo and Iraq, this important book will be of great interest to students and researchers of US foreign policy, security studies, history and international relations. This book has a dedicated website at: www.us-foreign-policy-prespective.org featuring additional case studies and data sets.

DIVHow do we explain Congressional involvement in foreign policy making? /div

The ultimate defeat of a nation begins at home. When the ethical values of the people at the personal, family and social levels degenerate, the spiritual, intellectual and physical health of the nation also gets weakened. Mankind has only two kinds of core values: some religions command to love even the enemies while others command to kill the enemies. USA is not just the most powerful nation in the world. It is also the most coveted society in the world, because of its highest quality value system due to Biblical Christian faith. Ultimately there is only one God, one mankind, one problem, one solution, and hence there can have only one value system for mankind. But the shadow of a great global tension and suicidal mutual conflict, caused by the many contradictory god-views, religions, worldviews, truth claims, ideologies and value systems, is right now visible. Defending the high ideal of loving the enemies could be easy. But the ultimate challenge of foreign policy is about practicing the high ideals of the nation even in the process of defending those ideals, in a crooked and inimical world. The biggest dilemma in US foreign policy is whether it can practice its value of even loving its enemies, and still exist as a nation to defend it values? Practicing the values and defending the values should go hand in hand. A very judicial combination of practicing the values and defending those who hold the value system, are essential due to individual eternal consequences. To defend the values of freedom, unfortunately the USA had to succumb to death and murder, during the cold war, in effect failing to practice its values in the process of defending it. Hence the struggle confronting individuals from the family level to the international levels is the struggle of practicing the high values at the real life situations. The shocking truth is that victorious Christian life always demands self sacrifice. But there are false gods, religions and value systems whose followers don’t have to follow any of these values, and hence have an easy life. It is high time to realize that anything that comes in the name of any god, religion or worldview is not safe. The core values function as the touchstone for testing the quality of any god, religion, worldview or truth claim. Mankind cannot peacefully survive, if communities of people don’t have good values and morality to practice. Faulty definitions of freedom and secularism have led to the growth of evil to such levels where now people will have to resort to killing for survival. Hence the state governments must implement the right view of secularism. It will be suicidal to any society, to allow anyone to promote evil values, in the name of religious freedom and secularism. It should become the primary responsibility of the supreme legal system in any nation to examine the basic documents of the religions, identify and declare which ones contain unhealthy values affecting the character of the people. The State should not allow any group to promote and practice unhealthy values in the label of any religion. The values of the Christian faith are undeniable, that no legal system can deny these values, and the evils which Christian faith prohibits, no legal system can approve. It stands for loving enemy, and telling the truth. Those who reject Christian faith can never stand on a more logical faith. It is written in the Bible that Jesus died on the cross for mankind, and rose from the dead on the third day. Those who have the wisdom to believe these plain facts, will be able to believe that Jesus is in fact the true God in human form, and will worship Him.