This study is based upon the concept of nations with history and nations without history which was advanced in 1848/1849 in the pages of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, a Cologne based German newspaper under the editorship of Karl Marx. This theory is presented in this study as a model of opposites ; historic nations and non-historic nations, respec tively revolutionary nations and counter-revolutionary national groups which Engels and Marx associated with the philosophy of Hegel. As Marx and Engels saw it, Hegel had taught that nature and history abounded in opposites, and this was believed to be the essence of his dialectic. Marx liked this dialectic better than anything else in Hegel's thought and modified it to fit his own economic theory of history. In reality, however, there are no categories of opposites; certainly not in nature; no two colors are opposites; nor are any two times of the day, indeed nothing temporal, nothing living, nothing that is in process of becoming. ! It is only in human understanding that opposites are intro duced. In the history of ideas what has been a misunderstanding of Hegel's teachings has exerted a greater influence upon subsequent generations than Hegel's philosophy as he himself understood it. With Marx's development of the materialistic concept of history, the Volksgeist (Spirit of the Age), so pronounced in Hegel's work lost ground rapidly; first, because it was difficult to understand and second, because its mastery was hardly rewarding to anyone save scholars and philosophers.

This study is based upon the concept of nations with history and nations without history which was advanced in 1848/1849 in the pages of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, a Cologne based German newspaper under the editorship of Karl Marx. This theory is presented in this study as a model of opposites; historic nations and non-historic nations, respec tively revolutionary nations and counter-revolutionary national groups which Engels and Marx associated with the philosophy of Hegel. As Marx and Engels saw it, Hegel had taught that nature and history abounded in opposites, and this was believed to be the essence of his dialectic. Marx liked this dialectic better than anything else in Hegel's thought and modified it to fit his own economic theory of history. In reality, however, there are no categories of opposites; certainly not in nature; no two colors are opposites; nor are any two times of the day, indeed nothing temporal, nothing living, nothing that is in process of becoming. ! It is only in human understanding that opposites are intro duced. In the history of ideas what has been a misunderstanding of Hegel's teachings has exerted a greater influence upon subsequent generations than Hegel's philosophy as he himself understood it. With Marx's development of the materialistic concept of history, the Volksgeist (Spirit of the Age), so pronounced in Hegel's work lost ground rapidly; first, because it was difficult to understand and second, because its mastery was hardly rewarding to anyone save scholars and philosophers.

Explores the idea of the nation among internationalist thinkers, suggesting that major figures associated with international labor organizations never underestimated the attraction of nationalism. Each chapter begins with a discussion of main issues that framed the international labor movement's concern with the nation in different periods, then analyzes the ideas of major thinkers who stand for the main trends at each point. Coverage includes the International Working Men's Association of the mid-19th century, the apogee of the Second International between 1895 and the onset of WWI, the Third International, the Comintern--1919-43, and the influence of Stalin and Lenin. Paper edition (unseen), $17.95. Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR

The second edition of the Historical Dictionary of Marxism covers of the basics of Karl Marx’s thought, the philosophical contributions of later Marxist theorists, and the extensive real-world political organizations and structures his work inspired—that is, the myriad political parties, organizations, countries, and leaders who subscribed to Marxism as a creed. This text includes a chronology, an introductory essay, and an extensive bibliography. The dictionary section has over 500 cross-referenced entries on important personalities, both thinkers and doers; political parties and movements; and major communist or ex-communist countries. This book is an excellent access point for students, researchers, and anyone wanting to know more about Marxism.

While their attempts to understand the workings of capitalism led them to the conclusion that the advanced societies of Western Europe were those most likely to be the setting for a successful socialist revolution, Marx and Engels by no means ignored developments outside this region. Indeed, given the configurations of international politics in their time, plus their conception of capitalism as a universalising system, they believed that some of the forces working for change in less advanced regions could even affect the prospects of a proletarian revolution in Western Europe itself. This book, first published in 1980, traces the development of Marx and Engels’ attitudes towards, and relations with, the principal national movements of their time. It deals with their responses to such movements in areas as diverse as Ireland and India, Poland and China, and Russia and the United States, as well as in many other regions. Many of Max and Engels’ most significant statements on the national question were made in their journalism, occasional addresses and private correspondence – sources not always readily accessible to, or even known by, some of their more immediate successors. Subsequent publication of this previously-dispersed material has enabled a more coherent picture of their ideas on the subject to be drawn. Marx and Engels believed that national aspirations and the cause of socialism did not always go hand in hand and each national struggle had to be examined on its merits and judged according to whether its success would retard or enhance the prospects of a socialist revolution. Based on a wide range of sources, this study examines an important, yet neglected, area of Marx and Engels’ ideas and activities, and indicates the criteria by which they determined their attitudes at different times to a variety of national movements at work in four continents.

Post-Marxists argue that nationalism is the black hole into which Marxism has collapsed at today's "end of history." Robert Stuart analyzes the origins of this implosion, revealing a shattering collision between Marxist socialism and national identity in France at the close of the nineteenth century. During the time of the Boulanger crisis and the Dreyfus affair, nationalist mobs roamed the streets chanting "France for the French!" while socialist militants marshaled proletarians for world revolution. This is the first study to focus on those militants as they struggled to reconcile Marxism's two national agendas: the cosmopolitan conviction that "workingmen have no country," on the one hand, and the patriotic assumption that the working class alone represents national authenticity, on the other. Anti-Semitism posed a particular problem for such socialists, not least because so many workers had succumbed to racist temptation. In analyzing the resultant encounter between France's anti-Semites and the Marxist Left, Stuart addresses the vexed issue of Marxism's involvement with political anti-Semitism.

What is nationalism and how can we study it from a historical perspective? Writing the History of Nationalism answers this question by examining eleven historical approaches to nationalism studies in theory and practice. An impressive cast of contributors cover the history of nationalism from a wide range of thematic approaches, from traditional modernist and Marxist perspectives to more recent debates around gender. postcolonialism and the global turn in history writing. This book is essential reading for undergraduate students of history, politics and sociology wanting to understand the complex yet fascinating history of nationalism.

According to the generally accepted view that nationalism is alien to communism and that internationalism disallows divisions based on nations, the existence of national communism is often interpreted as a sign of the breakup of the world communist movement. This book reexamines the evidence on the role of nations and national variations, beginning with Marx and moving through Leninism and Stalinism to Titoism, Maoism, Castroism, and current national liberation movements (e.g., in Nicaragua). Professor Zwick concludes that nationalism has always been an inherent element of communism. He demonstrates with numerous concrete cases that, rather than signaling the decline of communism, national adaptation is the source of its strength. The limits of national variation as defined by the Brezhnev Doctrine are precisely defined and examined in the cases of Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and Poland. The book bridges the gap between Marxist theory and communist practice with respect to the central role that nationalism will continue to play in the contemporary world. No other study presents this material in a cross-national, comparative perspective.

What is a nation and why is nationalism widespread in the world now? In this book Paul James argues that `nation' and `nationalism' are two of the most undertheorized and misunderstood concepts in the contemporary world. The author guides the reader through the theoretical contributions of Marx, Durkheim, Weber, Gellner, Nairn and Giddens, demonstrating the strengths and weaknesses of their arguments. This theoretical survey is threaded into a discussion of recent political crises such as the war in Bosnia and the genocide in Rwanda. Throughout, the aim is not to rediscover the concepts of `nation' and `nationalism' but to use classical and contemporary approaches to offer a new way of theorizing. James argues that the n

This book provides a comprehensive coverage of the origin and development of economic thought from the ancient times to the present day. It documents the contributions of major thinkers from the time of Hebrews to Maurice Dobb, and the perspectives that influenced the economic thought. The book also provides an account of the recent trends in Indian economic thought and will be of interest and relevance to all students and scholars of the subject. It covers the syllabus of economic thought of major Indian universities.