In Northern Ireland - Martin Orr

Even before it collapsed into civil war, ethnic cleansing, and dissolution, Yugoslavia was an archetypical example of a troubled multinational mosaic, a state without a single national base or even a majority. Its stability and very existence were challenged repeatedly by the tension between the pressures for overarching political cohesion and the defense of separate national identities and aspirations.In a brilliant analysis of this complex and sensitive national question, Ivo Banac provides a comprehensive introduction to Yugoslav political history. His book is a genetic study of the ideas, circumstances, and events that shaped the pattern of relations among the nationalities of Yugoslavia. It traces and analyzes the history and characteristics of South Slavic national ideologies, connects these trends with Yugoslavia's flawed unification in 1918, and ends with the fatal adoption of the centralist system in 1921. Banac focuses on the first two and a half years in the history of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, because in his view this was the period that set the pattern for subsequent development of the national question. The issues that divided the South Slavs, and that still divide them today, took on definite form during that time, he maintains. Banac provides extensive treatment of all of Yugoslavia's nationalities; his sections on the Montenegrins, Albanians, Macedonians, and Bosnian Muslims are unique in the literature. In this unbiased account, all of the principals and groups assume a tragic fascination.When published in 1984, The National Question in Yugoslavia was the first complete introduction to the cultural history of the South Slavic peoples and to the politics of Yugoslavia, and it remains a major contribution to the scholarship on modern European nationalism and the stability of multinational states.

Before the rise of republics, relations between communities were religious and military power based on the rights of the gods and spiritual warfare. The Sublime Powers Granted to the Elect of the Deities With the appearance of the Republics and the Free Man, International Relations as we know them today began: the interaction between the National States with equal culture or legal society, independence, and sovereignty. The right to war disappears; no Republic establishes the law of war to destroy another nation, The world of nations originated and consolidated in the American continent during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. For the other continents, the process began in Europe's First World War and extended to Asia and Africa during the Second World War and the Cold War. But even today, religious empires defend themselves by creating wars within republics and supported by monarchies and spiritual states. Freedom of worship is established in the Republics to end servitude; no more servants of religion who persecute, condemn, and subjugate peoples in the name of the gods. Faith ceases to be an obligation and becomes an option. In the Republic, you can be an atheist during work hours, a worshipper of Venus at lunch, a priest of Bacchus and Morpheus at night, and a worshipper of Huītzilōpōchtli during a sporting event, and no civil authority can judge you for changing religion or, prioritizing science over mythologies. In contrast to natural rights, republics establish citizen and social rights with Constitutions. Nature does not grant any rights. The creation of the Free Man in the American continent gave good results that inspired European intelligence to create great cosmogonies such as Marxism and liberalism. But religious empires remain a factor of control and domination; they have no legal personality, do not pay taxes, have their own rules, and demand tribute from their faithful.

This title was first published in 2002: Addressing the burning questions confronting the Nigerian nation-state today, this book explores the diverse dimensions and voices apparent in the challenges surrounding the national question. Highlighting a range of under-researched and unexplored issues, it theoretically and empirically examines key aspects of the national question discourse and debate in Nigeria. The contributors bring wide and varied experiences to bear on the volume and employ both these experiences and the multidisciplinary approach to illuminate and enrich the issues under study. The National Question in Nigeria identifies challenges that must be addressed if the nation is to survive - and critical issues that have been left unresolved and now threaten the nation state. It is essential reading for social scientists, policy makers, politicians, NGO activists and all observers and students of Nigerian history and politics.

Focuses on nationality's efficacy in much of world affairs, and on the background and issues surrounding global crisis.

In Quebec and Scotland, questions of constitutional change, national identity, and national grievance play an important role in the electoral calculations of political parties and voters. Taking a strong stance on the national question can have strategic benefits both for parties pushing for greater autonomy and for those endorsing the status quo. In this in-depth look at issue voting, authors Éric Bélanger, Richard Nadeau, Ailsa Henderson, and Eve Hepburn examine how the national question affects political parties and voter behaviour in both substate nations. Through party manifestos, interviews with legislators, and opinion survey data, this book demonstrates that calls for constitutional change influence political debate, competition, voter choice, and the outcome of elections not only within Quebec and Scotland but also across Canada and the United Kingdom. Minority nationalist parties, the authors show, can gain support by claiming ownership of issues with widespread public agreement, such as self-determination and protecting the identity and interests of the nation. A comprehensive analysis of recent electoral politics, The National Question and Electoral Politics in Quebec and Scotland greatly enhances our understanding of the electoral impact of substate nationalism.

Lenin’s texts breaking with Eurocentrism in the socialist movement Fired up by the outbreak of the First World War and outraged by the capitulation of most socialist parties to the demands of national bourgeoisies, Lenin sought to understand the deeper roots of the crisis of the world movement. The result was Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, which went on to become a core text for the international communist movement. But Lenin also sought to break with the Eurocentrism of the socialist movement, which tended to look down with disdain at or simply reject struggles for self-determination, especially among colonized peoples. This volume, with an introduction by the renowned abolitionist and anti-imperialist theorist Ruth Wilson Gilmore, brings together the texts on imperialism and those on the national question to provide a window into Lenin’s global vision of revolution.

The first decades of the twentieth century witnessed an explosion of nationalist sentiment in East Asia, as in Europe. This comprehensive work explores how radical Chinese and Japanese thinkers committed to social change in this turbulent era addressed issues concerning national identity, social revolution, and the role of the national state in achieving socio-economic development. Focusing on the adaptation of anarchism and then Marxism-Leninism to non-European contexts, Germaine Hoston shows how Chinese and Japanese theorists attempted to reconcile a relatively new appreciation for the nation-state with their allegiance to a vision of internationalist socialist revolution culminating in stateless socialism. Given the influence of Western experience on Marxism, Chinese and Japanese theorists found the Marxian national question to be not merely one of whether the "working man has no country," but rather the much more fundamental issue of the relative value of Eastern and Western cultures. Marxism, argues Hoston, thus placed native Marxists in tension with their own heritage and national identity. The author traces efforts to resolve this tension throughout the first half of the twentieth century, and concludes by examining how the tension persists, as Chinese and Japanese dissidents seek identity-affirming modernity in accordance with the Western democratic model.

In a timely re-examination of the origins of the system which fell apart so dramatically in 1991, this book deals with the policies of the Soviets towards the non-Russian nationalities of the former Russian Empire. Making extensive use of previously unavailable material from the Soviet archives, Jeremy Smith explores the attempts of the Bolsheviks to promote the development of minority nationalities in the Soviet context, through a combination of political, cultural and educational measures, and looks at the disputes surrounding the creation of the Soviet Union.

This book offers a thematic study of key debates in the history of the ethnic politics, democratic governance, and minority rights in Nigeria. Nigeria provides a framework for examining the central paradox in post-colonial nation building projects in Africa – the tension between majority rule and minority rights. The liberal democratic model on which most African states were founded at independence from colonial rule, and to which they continue to aspire, is founded on majority rule. It is also founded on the protection of the rights of minority groups to political participation, social inclusion and economic resources. Maintaining this tenuous balance between majority rule and minority rights has, in the decades since independence, become the key national question in many African countries, perhaps none more so than Nigeria. This volume explores these issues, focusing on four key themes as they relate to minority rights in Nigeria: ethnic and religious identities, nationalism and federalism, political crises and armed conflicts.