Discourses by an Indian sectarian religious leader.

The book is an attempt to express the new spirit of American politics and to set forth, in large terms which may stick in the imagination, what it is that must be done if we are to restore the politics to their full spiritual vigor again, and the national life, whether in trade, in industry, or in what concerns us only as families and individuals, to its purity, its self-respect, and its pristine strength and freedom. The New Freedom is only the old revived and clothed in the unconquerable strength of modern America. Contents: The Old Order Changeth What is Progress? Freemen Need No Guardians Life Comes from the Soil The Parliament of the People Let There Be Light The Tariff--"Protection," or Special Privilege? Monopoly, or Opportunity? Benevolence, or Justice? The Way to Resume is to Resume The Emancipation of Business The Liberation of a People's Vital Energies

While the Civil Rights Movement is remembered for efforts to end segregation and secure the rights of African Americans, the larger economic vision that animated much of the movement is often overlooked today. That vision sought economic justice for every person in the United States, regardless of race. It favored production for social use instead of profit; social ownership; and democratic control over major economic decisions. The document that best captured this vision was the Freedom Budget for All Americans: Budgeting Our Resources, 1966-1975, To Achieve Freedom from Want published by the A. Philip Randolph Institute and endorsed by a virtual ‘who’s who’ of U.S. left liberalism and radicalism. Now, two of today’s leading socialist thinkers return to the Freedom Budget and its program for economic justice. Paul Le Blanc and Michael D. Yates explain the origins of the Freedom Budget, how it sought to achieve “freedom from want” for all people, and how it might be reimagined for our current moment. Combining historical perspective with clear-sighted economic proposals, the authors make a concrete case for reviving the spirit of the Civil Rights Movement and building the society of economic security and democratic control envisioned by the movement’s leaders—a struggle that continues to this day.

Considers legislation to require Federal departments and agencies to publish unclassified information and regulations. a. Justice Dept study "Is a Congressional Committee Entitled To Demand and Receive Information and Papers from the President and the Heads of Departments Which They Deem Confidential, in the Public Interest?" (p. 63-146). b. "Demands of Congressional Committees for Executive Papers" by Herman Wolkinson, Federal Bar Association, published in the Federal Bar Journals of Apr., July, and Oct., 1949 (p. 147-270). c. "Subcommittee on Constitutional Rights Survey of Withholding of Information from Congress" memos and summary analysis prepared by subcom staff (p. 287-428). d. "Congressional Power of Investigation" Committee Print No. 83-99, prepared by the Legislative Reference Service of the Library of Congress Feb. 9, 1954 (p. 447-513). Includes the following documents.

In Freedom's Progress?, Gerard Casey argues that the progress of freedom has largely consisted in an intermittent and imperfect transition from tribalism to individualism, from the primacy of the collective to the fragile centrality of the individual person and of freedom. Such a transition is, he argues, neither automatic nor complete, nor are relapses to tribalism impossible. The reason for the fragility of freedom is simple: the importance of individual freedom is simply not obvious to everyone. Most people want security in this world, not liberty. 'Libertarians,' writes Max Eastman, 'used to tell us that "the love of freedom is the strongest of political motives," but recent events have taught us the extravagance of this opinion. The "herd-instinct" and the yearning for paternal authority are often as strong. Indeed the tendency of men to gang up under a leader and submit to his will is of all political traits the best attested by history.' The charm of the collective exercises a perennial magnetic attraction for the human spirit. In the 20th century, Fascism, Bolshevism and National Socialism were, Casey argues, each of them a return to tribalism in one form or another and many aspects of our current Western welfare states continue to embody tribalist impulses. Thinkers you would expect to feature in a history of political thought feature in this book - Plato, Aristotle, Machiavelli, Locke, Mill and Marx - but you will also find thinkers treated in Freedom's Progress? who don't usually show up in standard accounts - Johannes Althusius, Immanuel Kant, William Godwin, Max Stirner, Joseph Proudhon, Mikhail Bakunin, Pyotr Kropotkin, Josiah Warren, Benjamin Tucker and Auberon Herbert. Freedom's Progress? also contains discussions of the broader social and cultural contexts in which politics takes its place, with chapters on slavery, Christianity, the universities, cities, Feudalism, law, kingship, the Reformation, the English Revolution and what Casey calls Twentieth Century Tribalisms - Bolshevism, Fascism and National Socialism and an extensive chapter on human prehistory.