In the last decade Russia has searched for new alternative policies to compensate for its political deficiencies and to balance its rivals in one of the key areas of the approaching geopolitical rivalry, the sea. The Russian assertiveness seen in the Black Sea-Mediterranean basin has recently been a real concern for the international community. In the six chapters of this book, contributors explain Moscow’s newly perceived assertive foreign and security behavior in the Black Sea and Mediterranean basin from their own perspectives, and reach a conclusion about the limits and validity of this new Russian ascendance in the region.

"On the Historical Unity of Russians and Ukrainians" is an essay by Russian president Vladimir Putin published on 12 July 2021. It was published shortly after the end of the first of two buildups of Russian forces preceding the large military invasion in February 2022. In the essay, Putin describes his views on Ukraine and Ukrainians. Vladimir Putin argues that Russians and Ukrainians, along with Belarusians, are one people, belonging to what has historically been known as the triune Russian nation. To support the claim, he describes in length his views on the history of Russia and Ukraine, concluding that Russians and Ukrainians share a common heritage and destiny. The essay denies the existence of Ukraine as an independent nation. Noting the large number of ethnic Russians in Ukraine, Putin compares "the formation of an ethnically pure Ukrainian state, aggressive towards Russia" to a use of weapons of mass destruction against Russians. Putin openly questions the legitimacy of Ukraine's contemporary borders. According to Putin, the modern-day Ukraine occupies historically Russian lands, and is an "anti-Russia project" created by external forces since the seventeenth century, and of administrative and political decisions made during the Soviet Union. Putin places blame for the current crisis on foreign plots and anti-Russian conspiracies. According to Putin, the decisions of the Ukrainian government are driven by a Western plot against Russia as well as by "followers of Bandera". This edition includes: On the Historical Unity of Russians and Ukrainians Putin Commentaries About the Essay "On the Historical Unity of Russians and Ukrainians" The World Order (New Rules or a Game without Rules) Address by the President of the Russian Federation, February 21, 2022 Address by the President of the Russian Federation, September 21, 2022

Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine administered an unprecedented shock to the European and global energy markets, triggering emergency interventions and market reforms to limit the impact of the crisis on energy prices and supply security. More fundamentally, the supply shock sparked a profound reappraisal of foreign supply and infrastructure dependencies (for example, on China), leading states to adopt new legal initiatives to strengthen the resilience of their clean energy supply chains. Energy geopolitics and supply security are now firmly back at the centre of global energy policy, and in this new geopolitical reality, we critically need to reassess the role of energy law in the creation - and avoidance - of dangerous energy dependencies. Using the 2022 energy crisis as core example, Energy Dependence and Supply Security offers a legal analysis of energy trade and investment as a tool of geopolitical power, an issue seldom considered outside of economic statecraft and energy geopolitics. Anatole Boute's timely analysis illustrates the paradox of energy law and security: legal instruments of energy security have helped create the supply and infrastructure dependencies that allowed for the weaponization of energy. The book examines the legal responses adopted by the European Union to the impact of the Russian energy shock, reflecting on strategies to avoid similar disruptions in the clean energy industry. In turn, it proposes innovative supply security reforms that would allow dependencies to be managed, while still preserving the international collaboration that is needed to accelerate the transition to clean, affordable, and secure energy systems.

This book examines reform of the Russian military since the end of the Cold War. It explores the legacy of the Soviet era, explaining why - at the time of the fall of the Soviet Union - radical reform was long overdue in the wake of changing military technology, new economic and political realities, and the emergence of new threats and challenges. It discusses the problems encountered by Gorbachev in his attempts to promote military reform in the late 1980s, and goes on to analyse in detail the mixed fortunes of the policies of his successors, Yeltsin and Putin. It describes how the onset of war in Chechnya in 1994 provided clear evidence of the weaknesses of the Russian military in modern conflicts, and shows that although the Chechnya debacle did provide some impetus for reforms in the armed forces in 1997-98, the momentum was not continued under the Putin government. It argues that Putin’s policies of bolstering central control over all aspects of decision making has left untouched many key problems facing the Russian military, including infighting between different force structures, lack of transparency and independent scrutiny over defence spending, and absence of consensus on the main threats to Russia and optimum force posture. Moreover, it argues that in his attempts to concentrate all means of control to a corrupt and inefficient Kremlin bureaucracy, Putin has deprived himself of all alternative channels of independent scrutiny, control and oversight, thus exacerbating the problems that continue to plague the Russian military.

Digital Russia provides a comprehensive analysis of the ways in which new media technologies have shaped language and communication in contemporary Russia. It traces the development of the Russian-language internet, explores the evolution of web-based communication practices, showing how they have both shaped and been shaped by social, political, linguistic and literary realities, and examines online features and trends that are characteristic of, and in some cases specific to, the Russian-language internet.

The war in Syria has put Russia at the centre of Middle Eastern politics. Moscow's return to the region following a prolonged period of absence has enhanced its geopolitical status at a time it has emerged as a rival to the West. Yet, contrary to the media hype, Vladimir Putin is not set to become the new power-broker in this strategically important part of the world. Co-authored by a team of prominent scholars and analysts from the EU, US, Russia and the Middle East, this book explores Russia's role in the Middle East and North Africa, the diverse drivers shaping its policy, and the response from local players. Chapters map out the history of Russian involvement, before and after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the impact on key issues such as security and defence, regional conflicts, arms trade, and energy, as well as relations influential states and country clusters such as Iran, the Gulf, Turkey, Israel, Egypt, and the Maghreb. It also looks at how the Middle East impacts on Russia's relations with the West. The book offers a balanced assessment of Russian influence, highlighting both the political, diplomatic and commercial gains made thanks to Putin's decision in September 2015 to intervene militarily in Syria and the constraints preventing Moscow from replacing the United States as a regional hegemon.

This engaging book, a true twenty-first century enterprise, is the only text that offers both country case studies and discussion of the European Union in one sustained volume. Now thoroughly revised for 2004, it is the first European politics text to offer current analysis on the invasion of Iraq, NATO and European security, U.S.-European relations, and enlargement issues. All chapters from the first edition have been comprehensively updated, and completely new chapters have been added on Germany, France, Great Britain, Spain, Poland, monetary union, security, and migration. With its strong international emphasis and focus on Europe before and after Iraq, professors will be able to use this text to lead students toward a coherent view of intra-European conflicts, Europe and the United States, and Europe's international responsibilities. A new website devoted exclusively to the book, with regularly updated statistics, analysis, and links for each chapter, will provide a rich resource for students seeking additional information and researching classroom assignments.

Russian international relations has undergone profound changes in the last fifteen years that have effected both the Russian view of the world and the outside perspective of the Russian Federation. These changes will undoubtedly play an integral part of Russian foreign relations for years to come. And yet the question remains, how has Russian influence adapted to the post-Soviet world order? In this critical analysis, Andrei Melville sheds light on the complexities of Russian foreign policy from 1991 to 2004. Divided into three parts, the book presents official translated documents in the first section that outline, among other things, the formation of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), the military doctrine of the Russian Federation, and the agreement on security and cooperation between NATO and Russia. These documents are an essential first step in understanding the shape and context of Russian foreign policy from the demise of the Soviet Union up to the present. The second section of the book is composed of official statements from Russia leaders who are seeking to define the next generation of Russian international relations. Among the statements is Vladimir Putin's illuminating essay on Russia at the turn of the century. It is here where Putin defines the Russian policy of a strong state, efficient economy, and social solidarity. In addition, former Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov provides a statement on the hopes and obstacles for international relations in the 21st century. The authors of the remaining three papers have also served as Prime Ministers or foreign ministers in the Russian government during the past decade. The final section of the book is composed ofanalysis from scholars and Russian foreign policy experts. The analysis addresses a wide range of topics from the crisis in Kosovo to Russian-Chinese relations. Here, the official documents, statements, and policies of the Russian Federation are cast in a different light, bringing to surface the tough questions, the challenges, and the promises that face Russian foreign policy in the future. Putin's "new course" or "foreign policy therapy" is analyzed by specialists who observe their subject at short range.

The essays in Imperial Decline describe the major changes that have occurred in Russia's relations with China, Japan, and South Korea under Boris Yeltsin's presidency, with speculation about both Russia's future in the region and the impact this future could have on relations with the United States. Contributors to this volume demonstrate how incoherent taxation and investment, uncoordinated and contradictory economic policies, runaway inflation and currency instability, and problems of defense now constrain the possibility of Russia expanding its economic influence in Asia. This book is essential for students and scholars of international relations, foreign policy, and Russian history.

PDF of this book can be downloaded from: http://martenscentre.eu/publications/building-lifeline-freedom-eastern-partnership-20 The Eastern Partnership (EaP) Initiative is the bridge which connects Europe to the countries in its eastern neighbourhood. Those countries were left out of the cycle of peaceful development, which the European project brought to the continent following the Second World War. It aspires to transform these countries into more democratic and prosperous societies. Over the last five years, the EaP has achieved more in some partner countries than in others. Structural policy weaknesses and different socio-economic realities of the partner states notwithstanding, the main challenge to the success of the EaP has come from Russia, which chose to view this policy as a zero-sum game for geopolitical dominance in its shared neighbourhoodÊwith Europe. This paper argues that in order to achieve the desired transformations, the EaP needs a fresh start, focusing on different players, methods and political technologies. Failure of the EaP to achieve its goal could deprive another generation of Georgians, Moldovans, Ukrainians and others in the EaP countries of an opportunity for a better life.