Consociational power sharing is often perceived to be the method of conflict management that is most likely to succeed in deeply divided societies. The case of Northern Ireland in particular is heralded by many as a consociational success story. Since the signing of the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement in 1998, significant conflict transformation has taken place in the form of a considerable reduction in levels of violence and the establishment of power sharing between unionists and nationalists. This book looks at what consociational power sharing achieves after its implementation – specifically, whether it can work to overcome existing identities in divided societies, or whether it simply freezes divisions. It argues that if consociational power sharing is facilitating a move towards a genuinely shared society, this would be demonstrated in the focus of the election campaigns of Northern Ireland’s political parties, which would be almost exclusively based around socio-economic issues affecting the whole population, rather than narrow single identity concerns. However, the book claims that, on the whole, this has not been realised. Although election campaigns are today less strident than they were in the pre-1998 era, it remains the case that they usually foreground single identity symbolism, as it is this that resonates with voters. Whilst consociational power sharing has been very successful in reducing levels of violent conflict and facilitating elite level cooperation between unionists and nationalists, it has been much less successful in reducing divisions within wider society to facilitate a genuinely shared Northern Irish identity. By establishing an important middle ground between consociational proponents and critics, this research will be of significant interest to students and scholars of ethnic politics, political sociology, conflict management, and divided societies more generally.

This compact and accessible reference work provides all the essential facts and figures about major aspects of modern Irish history from the passing of the Act of Union to the premiership of Bertie Ahern. Offering a full chronology , this book gives the reader a full insight on major aspects of modern Irish history. The book explores population, education, social structure and religion; economic statistics covering agriculture, trade, prices and wages, transport and unemployment and a further wealth of material on Irish women's history, treaties, elections, law, communications, a glossary and biographical information.

For thirty years, Northern Ireland was riven by sustained ethnonationalist conflict over the issue of whether the territory should remain part of the United Kingdom or reunify with the Republic of Ireland. The 1998 Belfast or "Good Friday" Agreement brought peace to the region by instituting a consociational government, which acknowledged the political differences between nationalists and unionists in Northern Ireland and established a legislative body characterized by power-sharing between the region's political parties. In Consociation and Voting in Northern Ireland, the first study to address electoral behaviors and opinions in a power-sharing society, John Garry interrogates the democratic efficacy of Northern Ireland's consociational government. John Garry investigates the electoral period between 2007—when all of Northern Ireland's major political parties joined the power-sharing government—and 2011 and analyzes postelection survey data to assess the democratic behavior of Northern Irish voters. The evidence is used to address the following questions: How democratic is a consociational government? If all the main parties are in the government, and there are no opposition parties per se, is it possible for voters to hold the government to account? Do power-sharing structures simply perpetuate underlying divisions in the constituency? And since consociational power sharing relies on agreements between senior politicians, can citizens end up feeling disillusioned and, therefore, disinclined to vote? In the process of answering these questions, Garry presents new information on shifting identity formations in Northern Ireland and extends his analysis to the implications of power-sharing agreements for other nations.

From the first prehistoric inhabitants of the island to the St Andrews Agreement and decommissioning of IRA weapons, this uniquely concise account of Ireland and its people reveals how differing interpretations of history, ancient and modern, have influenced modern Irish society. Combining factual information with a critical approach, Coohill covers all the key events, including the Great Famine, Home Rule, and the Good Friday Agreement. Updated with two new chapters expanding the discussion of pre-modern Ireland, as well as developments in the 21st century, this highly accessible and balanced account will continue to provide a valuable resource to all those wishing to acquaint themselves further with the complex identity of the Irish people.

The second volume of the definitive political history of Northern Ireland.

Earl A. Reitan examines the polices adopted by three revolutionary Prime Ministers, and insightfully illuminates the broader implications of the leaders' profound influence on British politics and society. Written clearly and concisely, The Thatcher Revolution is essential reading for anyone interested in the state and future of modern Britain.

The second volume of the definitive political history of Northern Ireland. This landmark synthesis of political science and historical institutionalism is a detailed study of antagonistic ethnic majoritarianism. Northern Ireland was coercively created through a contested partition in 1920. Subsequently Great Britain compelled Sinn F?in's leaders to rescind the declaration of an Irish Republic, remain within the British Empire, and grant the Belfast Parliament the right to secede. If it did so, a commission would consider modifying the new border. The outcome, however, was the formation of two insecure regimes, North and South, both of which experienced civil war, while the boundary commission was subverted. In the North a control system organized the new majority behind a dominant party that won all elections to the Belfast parliament until its abolition in 1972. The Ulster Unionist Party successfully disorganized Northern nationalists and Catholics. Bolstered by the 'Specials,' a militia created from the Ulster Volunteer Force, this system displayed a pathological version of the Westminster model of democracy, which may reproduce one-party dominance, and enforce national, ethnic, religious, and cultural discrimination. How the Unionist elite improvised this control regime, and why it collapsed under the impact of a civil rights movement in the 1960s, take center-stage in this second volume of A Treatise on Northern Ireland. The North's trajectory is paired and compared with the Irish Free State's incremental decolonization and restoration of a Republic. Irish state-building, however, took place at the expense of the limited prospect of persuading Ulster Protestants that Irish reunification was in their interests, or consistent with their identities. Northern Ireland was placed under British direct rule in 1972 while counter-insurgency practices applied elsewhere in its diminishing empire were deployed from 1969 with disastrous consequences. On January 1 1973, however, the UK and Ireland joined the then European Economic Community. Many hoped that would help end conflict in and over Northern Ireland. Such hopes were premature. Northern Ireland appeared locked in a stalemate of political violence punctuated by failed political initiatives.

Here, in a single convenient volume, is the essential reference book for anyone with an interest in British history. First published in 1997, under the editorship of the late John Cannon and in consultation with over 100 distinguished contributors, this Companion has now been updated by Robert Crowcroft to include the very latest scholarship and research. It describes and analyses the people and events that have shaped and defined life in Britain over more than 2,000 years of political, social, and cultural change, encompassing topics as diverse as the War of the Roses, the Blitz, Stonehenge, Henry VIII, the suffragettes, the industrial revolution, the NHS, the Suez Crisis, the TUC, and the Afghan campaign. Over 4,500 entries provide a wealth of fact and insight on all aspects of the subject and from a variety of perspectives, including social, political, military, cultural, economic, scientific, and feminist. Entries cover not only monarchs, battles, and political events, but also the wider aspects of British history over the centuries. New entries on topics such as alternative vote, the 2008 financial crisis, Olympics in Britain, and the Scottish Independence Referendum, and UKIP ensure that the Companion remains relevant and current. Useful appendices include maps and genealogies, as well as a subject index. Coverage includes authors, composers and musicians, legal and technical terms, newspapers and periodicals, ranks and orders, sport and leisure, and scholarship and education. For those who like to explore history on the ground, there are also entries on individual counties, cathedrals, and churches, palaces and royal residences, and a range of other sites of historical significance. As well as providing reliable factual information, the Companion also offers detailed interpretation and analysis, giving readers a sense of how events and personalities relate to each other, whilst its multi-disciplinary approach places topics in a wide context. Whether you need to check the date of the Peasants' Revolt, understand what happened at the Battle of Imphal, find out about the history of maypoles, or compare the careers of successive Princes of Wales, The Oxford Companion to British History is a book no home reference shelf should be without.