There have been an increasing number of self-determination conflicts where sub-state groups challenge existing state authority. This book explains how self-determination can exercised beyond the decolonisation process and demonstrates that rather than a threat to international peace and stability, it has strong potential as a tool for conflict prevention and resolution.

There are currently over 100 stateless nations pressing for greater self-determination around the globe. The vast majority of these groups will never achieve independence. Many groups will receive some accommodation over self-determination, many will engage in civil war over self-determination, and in many cases, internecine violence will plague these groups. This book examines the dynamic internal politics of states and self-determination groups. The internal structure and political dynamics of states and self-determination groups significantly affect information and credibility problems faced by these actors, as well as the incentives and opportunities for states to pursue partial accommodation of these groups. Using new data on the internal structure of all self-determination groups and their states and on all accommodation in self-determination disputes, this book shows that states with some, but not too many, internal divisions are best able to accommodate self-determination groups and avoid civil war. When groups are more internally divided, they are both much more likely to be accommodated and to get into civil war with the state, and also more likely to have fighting within the group. Detailed comparison of three self-determination disputes in the conflict-torn region of northeast India reveals that internal divisions in states and groups affect when these groups get the accommodation they seek, which groups violently rebel, and whether actors target violence against their own co-ethnics. The argument and evidence in this book reveal the dynamic effect that internal divisions within SD groups and states have on their ability to bargain over self-determination. Kathleen Gallagher Cunningham demonstrates that understanding the relations between states and SD groups requires looking at the politics inside these actors.

Leading scholars demonstrate how colonial subjects, national liberation movements, and empires mobilized human rights language to contest self-determination during decolonization.

The emergence of the right to self-determination phenomenon during the twentieth century changed the political map of the world with the liberation of many nations from the yoke of colonialism. This book is an attempt to navigate the right of self-determination through international legal norms and explore its triumph and failure since the Second World War. It elaborates on the role, position, and the obligations of a modern state in the international law and new emerging relations of people in the world. The bookdescribes briefly the history of British rule in the Indian subcontinent and the creation of the new Muslim state of Pakistan in 1947. The book narrates the events leading to the occupation of Balochistan by Pakistan in 1948. It highlights the long struggle of the Baloch people for the right to self-determination and to explain the right of the Baloch people according to the international principles and provide political and legal methods for the right to self-determination.

"This is an in-depth examination of a slippery and contradictory subject. Knowledge alone is not enough for this type of project. It takes breaking out of narrow conceptual cages and unsettling what we think of as stable meanings. The author brings all of this to life in often unforgettable ways." - Saskia Sassen, Professor, Columbia University "National identities were once taken largely for granted in social science. Now they are part of an even more complex ′politics of belonging′ that challenges both public affairs and the categories of social science. Nira Yuval-Davis offers a nuanced account that will be important for scholars and all those concerned with contemporary politics." - Craig Calhoun, Director, LSE This is a cutting-edge investigation of the challenging debates around belonging and the politics of belonging. Alongside the hegemonic forms of citizenship and nationalism which have tended to dominate our recent political and social history, Nira Yuval-Davis examines alternative contemporary political projects of belonging constructed around the notions of religion, cosmopolitanism and the feminist ′ethics of care′. The book also explores the effects of globalization, mass migration, the rise of both fundamentalist and human rights movements on such politics of belonging, as well as some of its racialized and gendered dimensions. A special space is given to the various feminist political movements that have been engaged as part of or in resistance to the political projects of belonging. Yuval-Davis deconstructs notions of national and ethnic and interrogates the effects that different political projects of belonging have on members of these collectivities who are differentially located socially, economically and politically.

From the Madrid Invitation in 1991 to the introduction of the Oslo process in 1993 to the present, a negotiated settlement has remained the dominant leitmotiv of peacemaking between Israel and the Palestinian people. That the parties have chosen negotiations means that either side's failure to comply with its obligation to negotiate can result in an internationally wrongful act and, in response, countermeasures and other responses. This monograph seeks to advance our understanding of the international law of negotiation and use this as a framework for assessing the Israeli–Palestinian dispute, with the Palestinian people's unsuccessful attempt to join the United Nations as a Member State in autumn 2011 and the successful attempt to join the same institution as a non-Member Observer State in November 2012 providing a case study for this. The legal consequences of these applications are not merely of historical interest; they inform the present rights and obligations of Israel and the Palestinian people. This work fills a significant gap in the existing international law scholarship on the Israeli–Palestinian dispute, which neither engages with this means of dispute settlement generally nor does so specifically within the context of the Palestinian people's engagements with international institutions. 'Based on primary research, this book explores materials that were not analyzed before. It treats a highly political issue with scientific objectivity that strikes a balance between various points of view. The book will be an essential reading to all those involved in peace studies, international negotiations and Israeli-Palestinian conflict'. Mutaz M Qafisheh, Associate Professor of International Law, Hebron University. 'A compelling and innovative account of the legal aspects of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict: a must read.' Efraim Karsh, King's College London and Bar-Ilan University, author of Palestine Betrayed. 'A superbly imagined and executed study on Palestine that puts the 'negotiation imperative' at the heart of its narrative, fully interrogating the involvement of public international law at each step of the long and layered history that is vigorously brought to life in these pages. A study that also promises texture, nuance, and depth to the legal analysis it offers-and it delivers handsomely on each of these fronts.' -Dino Kritsiotis, Chair of Public International Law & Head of the International Humanitarian Law Unit, University of Nottingham.

This book discusses the increasing tendency in certain government quarters to incorporate struggles by peoples for their self-determination into the wider anti-terrorist agenda of the post-9/11 era. This tendency distorts the laws of armed conflict and of peace alike. As inter-state anti-terrorist co-operation becomes more extensive, the transaction costs of international peace and security between states increase. Modes of domestic state governance are left increasingly to the vagaries of inter-state non-interference in the domestic affairs of each other. The ‘war on terror’ and an increasingly strict, domestic state law-and-order approach to silence political opponents increases the dangers for civilians, eliminates rights, and generates suspect communities. At the same time, public institutions and private corporations are harnessed into the mechanics of a broad project of prevention and control. Distinctively, the book considers the impact of the recent ‘war on terror’ on the politics of the self-determination of peoples. It draws together issues related to governmental forceful action, an increasing intolerance towards non-state violent acts, the content of international and regional codifications, expansions in state discretion, the encroachment of surveillance powers, and the interaction and overlap between intelligence and law enforcement agencies. Self-Determination in the Post-9/11 Era will be of interest to students and scholars of public international law, criminology, comparative criminal justice, terrorism and national security, politics, international relations, human rights, governance and public policy.

This new edition of A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy has been extended significantly to include 55 chapters across two volumes written by some of today's most distinguished scholars. New contributors include some of today’s most distinguished scholars, among them Thomas Pogge, Charles Beitz, and Michael Doyle Provides in-depth coverage of contemporary philosophical debate in all major related disciplines, such as economics, history, law, political science, international relations and sociology Presents analysis of key political ideologies, including new chapters on Cosmopolitanism and Fundamentalism Includes detailed discussions of major concepts in political philosophy, including virtue, power, human rights, and just war

The first volume to explore transnational anticolonialism as a global phenomenon spanning the entire twentieth century. Leading scholars demonstrate that anticolonial movements everywhere in this period were invariably transnational in terms of their imaginaries, mobilities, and networks, and that their legacies fundamentally shaped the present.

The conflict between Israel and the Palestinians is one of the longest unresolved conflicts of modern times. It has brought about the early and violent deaths of tens of thousands of people, and blighted the lives of millions more. It is symbiotically linked to the wider crises that continue to engulf the wider region. The purpose of this volume is to elucidate both the nature of the conflict, but perhaps more importantly to make some tentative proposals with regard to how the conflict may eventually be peacefully concluded. The contributors offer their prognosis in light of the fact that both Israeli and Palestinian society is becoming increasingly polarised and prey to fanatics who argue that the conflict will and should be solved by the complete destruction of one side by the other. In short, this volume seeks to provide rational counter-arguments to fundamentalist bile that questions the fundamental humanity of the opposing side. This book was originally published as a special issue of the journal Ethnopolitics.