The Presidential Difference and Iran’s Foreign Policy Under Khatami from 1997 to 2005 explores the paradigm shift, one that involved a change from confrontation to peaceful relations. The main reason for this alteration rests on Muhammad Khatami’s belief system, whose discourse of “Dialogue Among Civilizations” aiming at coexistence and cooperation assured the international community that Iran would not pursue revolutionary aspirations, but rather seek constructive and meaningful relations based on equality, mutual respect and understanding. Azadeh Momeni argues that the cornerstone of this sea change in foreign policy rests on Khatam’s intellectual thoughts which is characterized by his belief system. What sets this book apart is its unique approach, employing Operational Code Analysis to analyze Khatami’s belief system. Operational Code Analysis is a quantitative method used in political psychology and international relations to understand the decision-making processes and beliefs of political leaders.

The book deals with President Hassan Rouhani’s conceptual approach to foreign policy. It discusses the main pillars of thinking underpinning Rouhani’s administration and the school of thought associated with it, with a focus on issues pertaining to development as well as international relations. The signature of the “Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action” in 2015 showed the Iranian commitment towards the international requests on guarantees and transparency on its nuclear enrichment program. The book analyses the actual impact of the nuclear deal on the Gulf regional politics, with especial emphasis on the Iran-Saudi Arabia balance of power and the internal implications at political and economic level. It will assess the success or failure of the nuclear deal JCPOA as a foreign policy tool and it impact for Iran and the region. The book also analyses Iran’s relations with other gulf Arab states, Latin America, Africa and its ‘war on terror’ along with its allies Syria and Iraq.

The Iranian Islamic revolution brought about a political system based on a combination of state institutions that derive their legitimacy from Islamic law and republican institutions legitimized by the people. As there are no legal political parties in the Islamic Republic of Iran, political factions represent the varying ideological and material interests of members of the political elite and their supporters. This book analyzes the rivalries between the political factions and their related state institutions and the impact of the dynamics of factionalism on domestic (economic and socio-cultural) and foreign policy formulation. It shows that tensions inherent to the structure of state institutions and factional rivalries slow down the process of democratization and economic reforms in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Saudi Arabia, with its US alliance and abundance of oil dollars, has a very different economic story to that of Iran, which despite enormous natural gas reserves, has been hit hard by economic, trade, scientific and military sanctions since its 1979 revolution. Robert Mason looks at the effect that economic considerations (such as oil, gas, sanctions, trade and investment) have had on foreign policy decision-making processes and diplomatic activities. By examining the foreign policies of Saudi Arabia and Iran towards each other, and towards the wider Middle East and beyond, Mason seeks to highlight how oil policy, including oil production, pricing and security of supply and demand, is the paramount economic factor which drives the diplomacy and rivalry of these two pivotal regional powers. His book thus offers vital analysis for researchers of international relations in the Middle East and the processes involved in the formation of foreign policy.

This comprehensive Handbook examines the relationship between religion and international relations, mainly focusing on several world religions – Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, and Judaism. Providing a timely update on this understudied topic, it evaluates how this complex relationship has evolved over the last four decades, looking at a variety of political contexts, regions and countries.

This volume presents three claims regarding the role of middle powers in the 21st Century: first, states aspiring to become or remain middle powers choose from three possible role: to be a global middle powers; to be a regional pivot; or to be a niche leader. Second, states seeking such roles need different mixes of hard and soft power sources. Third, more so than great or small powers, middle powers walk a thin line between the domestic and systemic pressures they face. In this volume, these claims are based on (comparative) case studies of Germany, Iran, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Norway, South Korea, Sweden, and Turkey.

This book blends doctrinal and empirical research to examine the phenomenon of counter-terrorism financing at the level of both international and Iranian national law. The work discusses the legitimacy, fairness and effectiveness of the international counter-terrorism financing framework, and then examines to what extent Iran has implemented it. The main focuses of the book are on the criminalisation of terrorism financing; financial regulations as preventive measures applied to the sectors at risk of terrorism financing, including the formal financial system, the informal financial system and the non-profit organisations; and the international and unilateral sanctions imposed on individuals and entities who support terrorist acts, terrorists and terrorist organisations. Given that terrorism and terrorism financing are socio-legal, political and economic phenomena in nature, the book approaches the problem of terrorism financing from an interdisciplinary perspective, exploring the relationship between the characteristics of Iran as a state recognised for supporting non-state militant actors (NSMAs), some of which are designated as terrorist by some countries. Empirical research includes documentary fieldwork in Iran, with the collection of original and primary materials that have not previously been analysed. The book also adopts a policy transfer approach, using the rules and regulations of the United Kingdom. Presenting a non-Western perspective on counter-terrorism financing, the book will be essential reading for students, researchers and policy-makers working in the area of financial crime.

This book analyzes both domestic and international factors that have influenced Iran’s foreign policy since 1979. It looks not only at the perspectives of the ruling elite, but also of civil society and opposition groups. Furthermore, it also analyzes the interactions among Iran’s policies and those of regional and global powers. Since the 1979 revolution, Iran’s foreign policy has appeared both threatening and puzzling. Some have described it as ideological, whereby the regime has been attempting to export its Islamist rule to neighbouring countries and challenging the international order. Others consider Iran’s foreign policy to be primarily pragmatic, concerned with survival of the regime and expanding its power not unlike other powers in the system. This book attempts to go deeper than most conventional analyses. It demystifies Iran’s foreign policy by describing, in great detail, foreign policy decision making in Iran. Iran is not a one-man dictatorship. Rather, it is rule by an oligarchy of Shia fundamentalists. The regime’s ideology has not been cohesive, nor has it remained consistent in the past 41 years, nor all members of the ruling oligarchy have articulated an identical version of it. The book describes foreign policies of various factions and their leading figures as well as analysing their evolutions since 1979. It explains how various intra-elite configurations of power have influenced the regime’s foreign policy regarding the nuclear weapons program and the relations with the United States. Iran’s Foreign Policy: Elite Factionalism, Ideology, the Nuclear Weapons Program, and the United States adds fresh and critical perspectives on scholarly and policy debates on Iran’s foreign policy. The chapters in this book were originally published in the following journals: Comparative Strategy, American Foreign Policy Interests and the Terrorism Law Report.

Following the Arab Uprisings, new ways of understanding sectarianism and sect-based differences emerged. But these perspectives, while useful, reduced sectarian identities to a consequence of either primordial tensions or instrumentalised identities. While more recently 'third way' approaches addressed the problems with these two positions, the complexity of secatarian identities within and across states remains unexplored. This book fills the gap in the literature to offer a more nuanced reading of both sectarian identities and also de-sectarianization across the Middle East. To do so, the volume provides a comparative account, looking at Iraq, Bahrain, Yemen, Syria and Lebanon. It examines the ways in which sect-based difference shapes regional politics and vice versa. The book also contributes to burgeoning debates on the role of protest movements in sectarianism. Chapters are split across three main sections: the first looks at sects and states; the second traces the relationship between sects and regional dynamics; and the third examines de-sectarianization, that is, the contestation and destablization of sectarian identities in socio-political life. Each section provides a more holistic understanding of the role of sectarian identities in the contemporary Middle East and shows how sectarian groups operate within and across state borders, and why this has serious implications for the ordering of life across the Middle East.