The book discusses five examples of NGO action in four countries - Indonesia, Philippines, South Africa and Sri Lanka - with authoritarian regimes. It poses the question of whose interest was served by these activities, the beneficiary group or the NGOs and argues that where these coincided, identifiable benefits accrued to beneficiary groups. This underlines the importance of ensuring that NGOs are accountable to the communities with which they seek to work.

There is already much literature on the significance of NGOs in the development process. However, there has been little discussion on why the NGOs take on different forms in different countries. This volume examines the state-NGO relationships in fifteen countries. It is not, however, a pot-pourri of country reports. All the contributors use the same analytical framework and focus on the key concept of "e;economic and political space"e; for NGOs. Readers will find that the analysis of the various NGO forms is well synthesized in this volume.

Although authoritarian countries often repress independent citizen activity, lobbying by civil society organizations is actually a widespread phenomenon. Using case studies such as China, Russia, Belarus, Cambodia, Malaysia, Montenegro, Turkey, and Zimbabwe, Lobbying the Autocrat shows that citizen advocacy organizations carve out niches in the authoritarian policy process, even influencing policy outcomes. The cases cover a range of autocratic regime types (one-party, multi-party, personalist) on different continents, and encompass different systems of government to explore citizen advocacy ranging from issues such as social welfare, women’s rights, election reform, environmental protection, and land rights. They show how civil society has developed adaptive capacities to the changing levels of political repression and built resilience through ‘tactful contention’ strategies. Thus, within the bounds set by the authoritarian regimes, adaptive lobbying may still bring about localized responsiveness and representation. However, the challenging conditions of authoritarian advocacy systems identified throughout this volume present challenges for both advocates and autocrats alike. The former are pushed by an environment of constant threat and uncertainty into a precarious dance with the dictator: just the right amount of acquiescence and assertiveness, private persuasion and public pressure, and the flexibility to change quickly to suit different situations. An adaptive lobbyist survives and may even thrive in such conditions, while others often face dire consequences. For the autocrat on the other hand, the more they stifle the associational sphere in an effort to prevent mass mobilization, the less they will reap the informational benefits associated with it. This volume synthesizes the findings of the comparative cases to build a framework for understanding how civil society effectively lobbies inside authoritarian countries.

Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have emerged as crucial actors in peacebuilding processes in post-conflict zones, contributing to the liberal state building project. NGOs, like any other organizations, have certain strengths and weaknesses, and face tradeoffs and contradictions in peacebuilding. Given increasing NGO experience in peacemaking and peacebuilding, this volume examines their relatively positive record, as well as the constraints, limitations, and sometimes contradictory impact of their activities and interventions.

Globalisation is about transnational politics. While nation-state governments increasingly struggle with this new politics, which moves beneath, between and beyond national borders, others entities like transnational corporations have flourished. But it is not just business which increasingly bypasses these traditional boundaries. Environmental groups are also moving though this transnational space, and their politics are defined by such qualities as fluidity, ambiguity and rapid changes in identity, mission and structure. In this book, the politics of environmental movements are presented as particularly salient examples of these new phenomena. Drawing on fieldwork from Europe, Asia, America, Africa and the Middle East, the contributors address a range of trans-national processes: efforts to construct common agendas transnationally; the diffusion of new repertoires of environmental protest; the role of environmental groups in the construction of new modes of environmental governance; how neo-liberalism affects local environmental activism; evidence of transnational influences and pressures on environmental politics in repressive regimes; and the dilemmas of defining questions of environmental justice and post-colonial environmental politics without suppressing the differences between environmentalism in different countries.

Globalization is transforming the world at an accelerated pace. Integration of the world continues, widening and intensifying international linkages in economic, political and social relations. Liberalization of trade and fmance, lubricated by revolutionary changes in information technology, has resulted in significant economic growth at the global level. On the other hand, the process of globalization is changing the nature of production relations, threatening the traditional roles of the nation-state, and carrying with it far-reaching implications for sustainable growth, development and the environment. Although both developed and developing countries are actively participating in this saga of globalization, nearly ninety countries, as the United Nations' Human Development Report, 1996 indicates, are worse off economically than they were ten years ago, leading to "global polarization" between haves and have nots. The report further indicates that the gap between the per capita incomes of the industrialized world and the developing countries, far from narrowing, has more than tripled during the last thirty years. Further, a majority of the countries benefitting from this globalization drive have seen a rise in inequality and poverty. This failure of market driven globalization to reward the benefits equitably led the United Nations to proclaim 1996 as the International Year for the Eradication of Poverty (IYEP) and the decade of 1997-2006 as the international decade for the eradication of poverty, and to promote "people-centered sustainable development".

One in every six Israeli citizens is a Palestinian Arab. While much has been written about the Palestinians of the West Bank and Gaza, the struggle for political rights by Palestinian citizens of Israel remains largely unexplored. Shany Payes offers a fresh look at this struggle through analysis of the increasingly growing sector of Palestinian non-governmental organisations. Charting the political history of these associations over the last quarter of a century and running right up to developments during the recent Intifada, she analyses the political repression of Palestinian civil society by the Israeli state and attempts by Palestinian NGOs in Israel to build a civil society in the face of such oppression. 'Palestinian NGOs' is required reading for all those interested in the Israel-Palestine conflict, minority rights and civil society. A lively and orginal contribution to a field in which there is already much interest but where few works of any substance have been produce. I enjoyed the work immensely, and would certainly recommend it warmly both to students and to those with a lively interest in things Palestinian - Philip Robins, St Antony's College, Oxford Provides a fresh insight into political repression of Palestinian civil society by the Israeli state and attempts by Palestinian NGOs to build a civil society in the face of such oppression...The result is a unique piece of work which other academics would be hard pressed to emulate - Gerard Clarke, Centre for Development Studies, University of Wales Swansea

Wang proposes and applies an innovative analytical framework to study the institutional continuity and changes in China. More specifically, this study examines and explains the peculiar premodernity and the profound modernization process of China. On the track of a state-led modernization, the dragon of China is found to be institutionally entering the nets of the market economy. An inquiry of China's labour allocation patterns and their changes serves as the indicator for the institutional analysis.

Are we creating an ungovernable world? Can we be confident that our existing modes of global governance are sufficient, or adaptable enough, to meet the challenges of globalization? This new study powerfully tackles these key questions, delivering a provocative examination of the cognitive, practical and political limits on our ability to exercise systems of regulation and control on the same scale as the globalizing forces already shaping the human condition. Key issues addressed include: * an examination of the many meanings of 'global governance' * a contextualised view of global governance within the complex interaction of human and natural systems * an analysis of global governance at a fundamental and conceptual level * a case study of disseminative systems and global governance This book is essential reading for those with research interests in global politics, international relations and globalization.

Recent international subsidy regulation is contributing to a dual transformation of the state. The state is increasingly liberal as expenditure is channelled into particular activities and it is less sovereign as key decision-making authority is transferred to international institutions. Subsidy conflicts emerge as the attempts by states, firms and social forces to adapt to an increasingly global economy collide with variations of liberal development models. This study examines the distinct subsidy arrangements in North America, the GATT and the European Union to highlight this change in state structure and behaviour.