The Berlin council movement of 1919–20 proves that there was a left alternative beyond Social Democracy and Stalinism in the German Revolution. The movement combined an impressive mass mobilisation with extensive socialist and democratic aspirations that pointed far beyond the Weimar order. Berlin was not just the centre of the November Revolution of 1918, but also the most important arena of the Second Revolution that followed. For the first time, the movement is analysed here in all its diversity and on the basis of a broad range of sources. Beside the workers' and factory councils, it also includes councils of students, women, the unemployed and intellectuals. Central events such as the 1919 general strike and the struggle against the Kapp Putsch of 1920 are also examined.

The Berlin council movement of 1919-20 proves that there was a left alternative beyond Social Democracy and Stalinism in the German Revolution. Here, the movement is systematically analysed for the first time in all its diversity and on the basis of a broad range of sources.

The Berlin council movement of 1919-20 proves that there was a left alternative beyond Social Democracy and Stalinism in the German Revolution. The movement combined an impressive mass mobilisation with extensive socialist and democratic aspirations that pointed far beyond the Weimar order. Berlin was not just the centre of the November Revolution of 1918, but also the most important arena of the Second Revolution that followed. For the first time, that movement is analysed here in all its diversity and on the basis of a broad range of sources. Beside the workers' and factory councils, it also includes councils of students, women, the unemployed and intellectuals. Central events such as the 1919 general strike and the struggle against the Kapp Putsch of 1920 are also examined, providing a bird's eye view of the movement as a whole.

This book scrutinizes the events of 1919 from below: the global underside of the Wilsonian moment. During 1919 the Great Powers redrew the map of the world with the Treaties of Paris and established the League of Nations intending to prevent future war. Yet what is often missed is that 1919 was a complex threshold between war and peace contested on a global scale. This process began prior to war’s end with mutinies, labour and consumer unrest, colonial revolt but reached a high point in 1919. Most obviously, the Russian Revolutions of 1917 continued into 1919 which signalled a decisive year for the Bolshevik regime. While the leaders of the Great Powers famously drew up new states in their Parisian hotel rooms, state formation also had a popular dynamic. The Irish Republic was declared. Afghanistan gained independence. Labour unrest was widespread. This year witnessed the emergence of anti-colonial insurgency and movements across Europe’s colonies; in metropolitan centres of Empire, race riots took place in the UK and during the ‘red summer’ in the US, anti-colonial movements, as well as an important moment of political enfranchisement for women but their expulsion from the wartime labour force. 1919 has many legacies: the first Arab spring, with the awakening of nationalism in the Wilsonian and Bolshevik context; the moment (as a consequence of Jallianwala Bagh) that Britain definitively lost its moral claim to India; the definitive announcement of Black presence in the UK; the great reversal of women’s participation in the skilled occupations; the first Fascist movement was founded.

Unquestionably a watershed year in world history, 1917 not only saw the Russian Revolution and the US entry into World War I, it also marked a foundational moment in determining global political structures for the remaining twentieth century. Yet while contemporaries were cognizant of these global connections, historiography has been largely limited to analysis of the nation-state. A century later, this book discusses the transnational dimension of the numerous upheavals, rebellions, and violent reactions on a global level that began with 1917. Experts from different continents contribute findings that go beyond the well-known European and transatlantic narratives, making for a uniquely global study of this crucial period in history.

A History of Germany, 1800 to the Present is a commanding survey of modern German history that guides you from the turn of the 19th century right the way through to Germany's continuing world-power status today. Covering the revolutions of 1848-49, Bismarck, the World Wars, the Cold War and the progress of a reunified Germany, the 5th edition of this classic textbook provides an authoritative exploration of the country across the whole period like no other. This edition includes: * A new first chapter covering 1800-1815 * A greatly expanded chapter on the re-unification in 1989-90 * An absorbing final chapter on the political, economic, and social developments in the 'new' Federal Republic from 1990 to the present, including a comprehensive analysis of the financial crisis of 2008-2010 * Additional content throughout on: the political activism and engagement of women from 1848-49 to the present; the significance of German colonialism from 1884 to 1919; the origins of WWI; the Third Reich; and the GDR * Biographical textbox vignettes of key actors * For the first time, 40 images and 9 maps Rich with insights into the key historiographical debates, this book offers a thorough introduction to Germany's complex modern history.

For more than a century, municipal socialism has fired the imaginations of workers fighting to make cities livable and democratic. At every turn propertied elites challenged their right to govern. Prominent US labor historian, Shelton Stromquist, offers the first global account of the origins of this new trans-local socialist politics. He explains how and why cities after 1890 became crucibles for municipal socialism. Drawing on the colorful stories of local activists and their social-democratic movements in cities as diverse as Broken Hill, Christchurch, Malm, Bradford, Stuttgart, Vienna, and Hamilton, OH, the book shows how this new urban politics arose. Long governed by propertied elites, cities in the nineteenth century were transformed by mass migration and industrialization that tore apart their physical and social fabric. Amidst massive strikes and faced with epidemic disease, fouled streets, unsafe water, decrepit housing, and with little economic security and few public amenities, urban workers invented a local politics that promised to democratize cities they might themselves govern and reclaim the wealth they created. This new politics challenged the class power of urban elites as well as the centralizing tendencies of national social-democratic movements. Municipal socialist ideas have continued to inspire activists in their fight for the right of cities to govern themselves.

In noting that political violence was the product of choices made by political actors rather than the result of irresistible forces ...Schumann issues a pertinent warning while making a first-rate contribution to the scholarly literature on the Weimar Republic. Central European History A well-documented and skillfully argued book. German Studies Review In his exceptional regional study of the Prussian province of Saxony, Schumann offers a richly detailed analysis of political violence in the Weimar Republic...This is a wordy but methodical and ultimately convincing work of scholarship. Choice Schumann ... calls into question some assumptions, provides interesting nuances, and helps to refine our understanding of the nature of political violence in Weimar Germany. Journal of Modern History ... provides a well-documented, solid narrative and challenging analysis of Weimar's political violence... American Historical Review This] definitive work, rich in source material and analysis, dispels stereotypes of political violence in the Weimar Republic. Historische Zeitschrift The Prussian province of Saxony-where the Communist uprising of March 1921 took place and two Combat Leagues (Wehrverb nde) were founded (the right-wing Stahlhelm and the Social Democratic Reichsbanner) - is widely recognized as a politically important region in this period of German history. Using a case study of this socially diverse province, this book provides a comprehensive analysis of political violence in Weimar Germany with particular emphasis on the political culture from which it emerged. It refutes both the claim that the Bolshevik revolution was the prime cause of violence, and the argument that the First World War's all-encompassing "brutalization" doomed post-1918 German political life from the very beginning. The study thus contributes to a view of the Weimar Republic as a state in severe crisis but with alternatives to the Nazi takeover. Dirk Schumann is Professor of History at Georg-August University, G ttingen. He is the co-editor of Life After Death (2003), Violence and Society after the First World War (first issue of Journal of Modern European History 2003]), Between Mass Death and Individual Loss (2007). Most recently, he has edited Raising Citizens in the "Century of the Child" The United States and German Central Europe in Comparative Perspective (2010).

First Published in 2003. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.