Every four years, "The State of the Parties" brings readers up to date on party action in election years and in between.

Continuing a three-decade tradition, The State of the Parties 7th edition brings together leading experts to evaluate change and continuity in American electoral politics. Political parties in America have never been more contentious and divided than they are right now. Even splits within the parties themselves have the power to elevate relatively unknown candidates to power and topple established incumbents. With sections devoted to polarization and the electorate, polarization and political elites, tea party politics, super PACS, and partisan resources and partisan activities, the contributors survey the American political landscape. They pay special attention to polarization between and within the parties in the aftermath of the 2012 election, demographic changes to America’s political parties, the effects of new media and campaign finance laws on national and local electoral results, the Tea Party’s rise and, as always, the implications of all these factors on future policymaking and electoral prospects. The State of the Parties 7th edition offers an indispensable guide to American politics for scholars, students, and practitioners. Contributions by: Alan Abramowitz, Paul A. Beck, Michael John Burton, Edward G. Carmines, Daniel J. Coffey, William F. Connelly, Jr., Meredith Dost, Diana Dwyre, Michael J. Ensley, Peter L. Francia, Erik Heidemann,,Shannon Jenkins, Caitlin E. Jewitt, David C. Kimball, Robin Kolodny, Thad Kousser, David B. Magleby, Seth Masket, William G. Mayer, Eric McGhee, William J. Miller, Jonathan S. Morris, Ronald Rapoport, Douglas D. Roscoe, Dante Scala, Daniel M. Shea, Boris Shor, Walter Stone, Jeffrey M. Stonecash, Eric C. Vorst, Michael W. Wagner

In this study of political party development in North Carolina during the antebellum period, Thomas E. Jeffrey accounts for the persistence of the second-party system in that state, emphasizing the sectional conflict that divided eastern plantation and western small farming counties. Although members of the Whig and Democratic parties disagreed strongly over national issues, the state issues—public school funding, internal improvements, the creation of new counties—divided citizens along sectional rather than party lines. Party leaders attempted to reconcile progressive western interests and conservative eastern interests by accentuating cohesive national issues. Jeffrey reveals factors that preserved the vitality of the secondparty system in North Carolina even as other states became politically stagnant. This vitality would shape politics of the Old North State during the Civil War, Reconstruction, and beyond. The upheaval of the Civil War vindicated the policies of the Whigs, and although extinct outside of the state, this party would lead North Carolina into the age of the New South.

Traditional theories of party organization have emphasized two-party electoral competition as the force behind party unity in state politics. V. O. Key first advanced this theory in Southern Politics, where he concluded that party factionalism in the South was mainly attributable to the one-party character of the region. But this traditional theory does not fit all states equally well. In the states of the West, especially, parties are competitive, but political activity is centered on candidates, not parties. The theory of candidate-centered politics allows Gimpel to explain why party factionalism has persisted in many regions of the United States in spite of fierce two-party competition. Using interviews, polling data, elections returns, and demographic information, Gimpel contends that major upheavals in the two-party balance of presidential voting may leave lower offices untouched.

This book offers a comprehensive, article-by-article legal commentary on the United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime and its Protocols on trafficking in persons, smuggling of migrants, and trafficking in firearms and ammunition. The Convention- often referred to by the acronym UNTOC- was approved by the UN General Assembly on 15 November 2000 and made available for governments to sign at a high-level conference in Palermo, the heartland of the Italian Mafia, on 12-15 December 2000. For this reason, UNTOC is sometimes also referred to as the 'Palermo Convention'. The Convention entered into force on 29 September 2003. The purpose of UNTOC is to promote cooperation to prevent and combat transnational organized crime more effectively. UNTOC seeks to promote consistency among national legal systems and set standards for domestic laws so that States parties can effectively combat transnational organized crime. UNTOC is supplemented by three protocols: the Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Air, and Sea, the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress, and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children, and the Protocol against the Illicit Manufacturing of and Trafficking in Firearms, their Parts and Components, and Ammunition. Article by article, this books presents the text of each provision of the Convention and the Protocols, followed by a systematic analysis of their background and negotiating history, their interpretation by the Conference of the Parties and its working groups, in judicial decisions by domestic and international courts, , in the academic literature, and in official material published by international organisations, chief among them the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), the guardian of UNTOC and the Protocols. The authors offer critical, scholarly commentary. The book serves as a compendium for those using, researching, or studying provisions under UNTOC and the Protocols and as a handbook for those charged with implementing and enforcing them.

Article 54 of the IHR request that States Parties and the Director-General shall report to the World Health Assembly (WHA) on the implementation of these Regulations as decided by the WHA. In 2008, the WHA, through the adoption of Resolution WHA61(2), and later on 2018 with the Resolution WHA71(15), confirmed that “that States Parties and the Director-General shall continue to report annually to the WHA on the implementation of the International Health Regulations (2005), using the self-assessment annual reporting tool”. The IHR State Party self-assessment annual reporting tool (SPAR) is intended to support State Parties to fulfil these obligations. The submission of IHR Annual Reports using the SPAR tool allows the WHO Secretariat to compile a consistent report for the WHA. The second edition of SPAR (2021) has 15 capacities and 35 indicators compared to 13 capacities and 24 indicators in the previous version used from 2018 to 2020 reporting periods. The summary of results from the annual reports have been used to report to the World Health Assembly since 64th WHA in 2010, and country profiles have been made available on the e-SPAR platform, the Strategic Partnership for Health Security and Emergency Preparedness (SPH) Portal and WHO Global Health Observatory (GHO) data web page.

Includes opinions.