The enclosed papers are the culmination of a project Dr. John Crank and Dr. Colleen Kadleck carried out assessing issues facing the police into the early 21st century. The papers are future oriented, in the sense that they anticipate trends visible today. Everywhere, the contributing scholars found that the organizational concept, practice, and function of the police were undergoing transition. Yet, the seeming state-level hardening of the police function was ubiquitous. Two themes were noteworthy. On the one hand, in developing or ‘second world’ countries, police face endemic problems of corruption, organized crime, and drugs. Police, in response, are undergoing centralization and intensification of law enforcement activities. In countries with first world economies – Canada, the United States, and Australia – contributors discovered trends toward expansion of the police function, a trend described by Brodeur as toward 'high policing'. It reflects the growing reliance on surveillance for crime control and for the tracking of minority, indigenous, and immigrant populations in crime prevention efforts. The results suggest that governments, sometimes encouraged by their citizenry, seem increasingly to rely on the police to deal with a broad array of social as well as criminal problems. This book was originally published as a special issue of Police Practice and Research.

As Western troops withdraw from Afghanistan, the Afghan National Army (ANA) has been tasked with securing the country. Having broken the system that was in place, the US and NATO are now leaving Afghanistan to face Taliban elements, criminal warlords, and private militias which disrupt any efforts to pull the nation together. Yet the ANA arose under foreign tutelage and will remain dependent upon foreign support for the foreseeable future. Thus it can only be seen by the majority of Afghans as a legacy of the occupation and not a 'national' institution. The ANA is shrinking by the day. Musa Khan Jalalzai focuses primarily on the ANA's ability to carry out the task it has been assigned: 'ensuring security in Afghanistan.' Along the way, the author covers a wide spectrum of topics: the current state of the Afghan National army (ANA), Taliban infiltration, intelligence failures, the "intelligence war" among various nations and alliances (NATO, US, UK, ISAF), green on blue attacks, and the rise of war criminals heading private militias which present the biggest challenge to the reorganization of State institutions.

"Persuasively argues that our fixation with writing by hand is driven more by emotion than evidence, as it is perceived to be inextricably linked to our history, core values and individual identities."--Los Angeles Times The future of handwriting is anything but certain. Its history, however, shows how much it has affected culture and civilization for millennia. In the digital age of instant communication, handwriting is less necessary than ever before, and indeed fewer and fewer schoolchildren are being taught how to write in cursive. Signatures--far from John Hancock's elegant model--have become scrawls. In her recent and widely discussed and debated essays, Anne Trubek argues that the decline and even elimination of handwriting from daily life does not signal a decline in civilization, but rather the next stage in the evolution of communication. Now, in The History and Uncertain Future of Handwriting, Trubek uncovers the long and significant impact handwriting has had on culture and humanity--from the first recorded handwriting on the clay tablets of the Sumerians some four thousand years ago and the invention of the alphabet as we know it, to the rising value of handwritten manuscripts today. Each innovation over the millennia has threatened existing standards and entrenched interests: Indeed, in ancient Athens, Socrates and his followers decried the very use of handwriting, claiming memory would be destroyed; while Gutenberg's printing press ultimately overturned the livelihood of the monks who created books in the pre-printing era. And yet new methods of writing and communication have always appeared. Establishing a novel link between our deep past and emerging future, Anne Trubek offers a colorful lens through which to view our shared social experience.

In August 2021, Afghanistan found itself in the grip of an unprecedented crisis as the Taliban swiftly regained control of the nation, quickly extinguishing the flame of academic freedom. The nation's educators and students faced an urgent dilemma and were compelled to escape persecution and navigate the perilous journey to safety. The once-promising dreams of university degrees for female students were overshadowed by the Taliban's restrictive educational policies. As the political situation changed quickly, chaos increased, leading to a hurried departure for many and creating a gap in the country's education system. The book, Resilience of Educators in Extraordinary Circumstances: War, Disaster, and Emergencies , captures the gravity of this unfolding humanitarian crisis, shedding light on the plight of those who sought refuge from the shadows of oppression. Beyond merely recounting the hardships faced, the book strategically delves into the interventions and coping mechanisms employed by individuals and organizations. It endeavors to identify the gaps in addressing the educational needs of a population caught in the crossfire of conflict. By showcasing exemplary contributions from institutions, local governments, and humanitarian actors, the book aims to construct a narrative of best practices on a global scale. This collection of narratives becomes a crucial document preserving the stories of those who defied adversity in the pursuit of education.

Providing an invaluable introductory resource for students investigating the war in Afghanistan, this book highlights the evolution of the conflict through the documents that helped to shape it. This carefully curated primary source collection includes more than 80 documents from the national and international participants in nearly four decades of conflict that led to the Afghanistan War. Readers will gain an understanding of the macro and micro costs of the war on the participants and the political, social, economic, and military factors that have allowed the fighting to persist. Authored by a former member of the Afghanistan Study Team at the U.S. Army's Combat Studies Institute, readers will gain special insight into the military dynamics of the war in Afghanistan and how the war has changed those who have fought in it. The book is divided into four chapters that cover the primary phases of the war in Afghanistan: The Soviet Invasion and Civil War, 1979–2001; Operation ENDURING FREEDOM and Reconstruction Begins, 2001–2003; The Taliban Return, 2003–2009; and The Surge, Drawdown, and an Uncertain Future, 2009–2017. This structure enables readers to clearly understand how the war evolved and the most significant developments that shaped each period.

During the 20 year history of the European Network for Religious Education through Contextual Approaches (ENRECA), several books have been published on the subject of Religious Education, from sociological, psychological or anthropological perspectives and always in the contextual settings of national educational frameworks and other specific culturally bound phenomena. Also, very often, an international comparative perspective was included. The shared goal was not so much to reflect on religion as such, and on its changing doctrines, institutions and prescriptions, but to try and understand religion in the specific European contexts of secularization and the plurality of life orientations, and to understand how religion becomes manifest in education in a variety of concrete policies and classroom practices, reflecting various social issues. This volume, marking the 20th anniversary of ENRECA, has a specific focus on the contextual dimension of time.

The Taliban's fall and the massive American military and political presence in South and West Asia have created grounds for a polarization into two camps: India, Iran and Russia, to which China is affiliated, and the United States and Pakistan. In Peimani's analysis, their incompatible interests will push them towards confrontations with regional and international implications. Contrary to expectations, the fall of the Taliban did not bring peace and stability to Afghanistan. The Afghan interim government is simply too weak to act as a central government; this results in the re-emergence of warlords, turf wars, and the expansion of drug trafficking. This unstable situation may well result in the emergence of Taliban-like groups. Added to this, the threat of the spillover of instability from Afghanistan into neighboring regions, on the one hand, and the rapid expansion of American military and political power in Central Asia, the Caucasus, the Persian Gulf, Afghanistan, and Pakistan, on the other, have created fear among the regional powers. The stated indefinite stay of American forces well after the end of the anti-terrorist war in Afghanistan has worsened that fear as it reflected the American government's plan to pursue certain strategic interests unrelated to that war. Consequently, as Peimani shows, the regional anti-terrorist coalition has disintegrated in the absence of a common objective to help focus the region. Fear of the long-term American objectives and those of its Pakistani ally in South and West Asia incompatible with those of the regional powers have facilitated the creation of two camps consisting of Iran, India, and Russia, to which China is affiliated, and Pakistan and the United States. Respectively, these implicit and explicit camps are likely to collide over their regional interests especially in the strategically important energy-producing Persian Gulf and Caspian Sea regions.

By the fall of 2008, seven years after the fall of the Taliban regime, the future of Afghanistan's post-conflict transition looks more uncertain than ever. Driving this uncertainty is a security environment that has steadily deteriorated with each passing year, creating a level of instability even greater in Iraq, according to some indicators. However, insecurity is not the only dilemma that has threatened to undercut Afghanistan's transition to peace and stability. Problems of corruption and poor service delivery in the state coupled with the failure of the internationally-supported reconstruction process to improve the quality of life for so many Afghans trapped in grinding poverty has begun to erode public confidence in the new political order.