This book examines US subnational engagement in foreign relations, or paradiplomacy, with China and Taiwan from 1949 to 2020. As an alternative diplomatic history of the United States’ relations with divided China, it offers an in-depth chronological and thematic discussion of state and local communities’ responses to the China-Taiwan sovereignty conflict and their impact on US diplomacy. The book explains why paradiplomacy matters not only in the ‘low politics’ of economic and cultural cooperation, but also in the ‘high politics’ of diplomatic recognition. Presenting case studies of US states and cities developing policies towards divided China that paralleled, clashed or aligned with those pursued by federal agencies, it also identifies Chinese and Taiwanese objectives and strategies deployed when competing for US subnational ties. Conceptually, the book builds upon Constructivism, redefining paradiplomacy as an institutional fact, reflective of subnational identities and interests, rather than as a subnational pursuit of foreign markets, driven by objective economic forces. Featuring new empirical evidence and a novel conceptual framework for paradiplomacy, The United States’ Subnational Relations with Divided China will be a useful resource for students and scholars of US foreign policy, the politics of China and Taiwan, paradiplomacy and international relations.

This book explores how Chinese border provinces have become actors in international relations. Through an analysis of the international actorness – the inherent characteristics of a subnational entity as an international player – of Yunnan and two other geographically peripheral provinces, Guangdong and Guangxi, the domestic, economic, and legislative circumstances that motivated these provinces to conduct transboundary engagements are determined. The book is based on an extensive field study including interviews with those involved in the implementation of Yunnan’s foreign agenda, representatives from province-owned enterprises, universities and think tanks, and officials and experts from the countries neighboring Yunnan. Acknowledging the role of external geopolitics, the authors analyze the efforts of these border provinces to incentivize neighboring countries to cooperate with them on areas of trade, investment, and nontraditional security. Yao Song and Tianyang Liu also observe how border provinces have leveraged their paradiplomatic strengths to affect China’s foreign relations with neighboring countries. This volume will appeal to researchers, academics, and postgraduates in political science, international relations, and diplomacy as well as geography, Southeast Asian politics, political economy, Chinese periphery diplomacy, and nonfederal paradiplomacy.

Thirty years ago, the idea that China could challenge the United States economically, globally, and militarily seemed unfathomable. Yet today, China is a superpower. By showing how China pursued an "upstart" strategy rather than simply mimicking the US model, Upstart: How China became a Great Power powerfully demonstrates how China has been able to achieve great power status in such a short period of time -- and what it all means for the future of US-China relations.

This book explores the forces that impelled China, the world’s largest socialist state, to make massive changes in its domestic and international stance during the long 1970s. Fourteen distinguished scholars investigate the special, perhaps crucial part that the territory of Hong Kong played in encouraging and midwifing China’s relationship with the non-Communist world. The Long 1970s were the years when China moved dramatically and decisively toward much closer relations with the non-Communist world. In the late 1970s, China also embarked on major economic reforms, designed to win it great power status by the early twenty-first centuries. The volume addresses the long-term implications of China’s choices for the outcome of the Cold War and in steering the global international outlook toward free-market capitalism. Decisions made in the 1970s are key to understanding the nature and policies of the Chinese state today and the worldview of current Chinese leaders.

This review of China's regulatory system focuses on the overall economic context for regulatory reform, the government’s capacity to manage regulatory reform, competition policy and enforcement, and market openness.

The third edition of Critical Issues in Contemporary China offers an in-depth and up-to-date analysis of Xi Jinping’s strategies to address critical domestic and international challenges facing China in a ‘new era’. This book joins the current debates about Xi Jinping’s ‘new era’, reflecting upon the continuity and change in the CCP’s domestic and foreign policies under Xi’s leadership and Xi’s capacity to realize the Chinese Dream of national rejuvenation. The international team of contributors evaluate such pressing issues as: Xi’s re-centralization of power and securitization of domestic politics the Chinese economic model state-civil society relations Xi’s gender policy and return to the traditional family values Beijing’s responses to unrest in Xinjiang and Hong Kong Xi’s evolving unification strategies towards Taiwan the Belt and Road Initiative, and the deterioration of US-China relations. Providing readers with rich empirical assessment of Xi’s responses to the political, economic, social and international challenges facing contemporary China, the third edition of Critical Issues will be an essential resource for students of Chinese politics, economy, society and foreign relations.

Drawing on contributors from academic and policy communities, this volume explores the major aspects of Australia-China relations. The frequently overlooked connection between Australia and Taiwan is also considered to allow readers to reach a full appreciation of the restraints engendered by the relationship with China as well as its many benefits. Moving beyond the traditional state-centric analysis, the work incorporates new material on sub-state relations as well as examining the impact of global economic and social forces on the Australia-China friendship. In addition to providing a contemporary understanding of the bilateral ties, this work also provides a benchmark against which Australia's other relations with the countries of East Asia can be measured.

This book examines how the rise of China has influenced its cross-regional foreign policy toward non-Arab countries in the Middle East between 2001 and 2011. Analyzing contemporary international crises in the Middle East such as the Iran nuclear crisis, the Palestinian–Israeli conflict, and the Cyprus question, the volume draws on daily newspapers published in Chinese, Turkish, and English and official documents as primary sources. The examined period is critical to understand China’s aggressive and more attractive foreign policy dynamism in the following years. All the bilateral relations China has developed in the Middle East during these years was a preparation for the next big step toward China’s rising influence in the region and the world. Utilizing the framework of debates on the rise of China in international relations literature, the volume focuses on political, economic, and military aspects of the power transition. Claiming that China’s foreign policy toward the Middle East can be defined as "active pragmatism," the "non-Arab" conceptualization provides a new understanding of China’s traditional Middle Eastern foreign policies. The study assesses fieldwork carried out in Beijing and Shanghai, and Chinese sources that are critical in understanding both official and academic perspectives. The book is a key resource for students, academics and analysts interested in China and the Middle East relations, foreign policy, and politics, as well as for contemporary political historians.

This book unpacks the main narratives used in international relations to depict and explain existing inter-state relations in Central Asia, with a focus on the construction of fairer international relations along the Silk Road. The book points to the need to decolonize international relations in the Central Asian region to present a fair representation of the regional states in international affairs. In doing so, the book exposes the concepts and stereotypes that have been imposed on the Central Asian region by dominant assumptions in contemporary international relations. Offering empirical grounding for alternative views, the author suggests that Western international relations make the same mistakes in the Central Asian region that the Russian Marxists made when they attributed a narrative of modernity along the lines of the progress made in Germany and Russia. In such a structure, both Russian Marxist attempts and liberalist Western ideas disregard the fact that the region has its own model of modernity and progress, which does not necessarily involve an appeal to the modern nation state, ethnicity and state building. The book sheds lights on the prospects of coordinated development of Central Asia and Afghanistan. It also provides insights into the development of post-Socialist Asia in its relations with Russia, China, Japan and South Korea. Contributing to the task of placing Central Asia in discussions in the discipline of international relations, this book will be of interest to academics working in the fields of international relations and Asian politics, in particular Central Asian studies.

By exploring the "China factor" in the North Korean human rights debate, this book evaluates the advantages and disadvantages of applying the Chinese development-based approach to human rights in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK). The contributors to this book treat the relevance of the Chinese experience to the DPRK seriously and evaluate how it might apply to easing North Korean human rights issues.They engage with the debate about the relevance of the developmental or development-based approach to North Korea. In doing so, they problematise, scrutinise and contextualise the development-based approach in Northeast Asia, including China, and examine different responses to the developmental approach and the influence of domestic politics on these responses. A valuable contribution to discussions on possible ways forward for human rights in North Korea and an insightful critique of the Northeast Asian development model more broadly.