Ultimata feature as a core concept in the coercive diplomacy scholarship. Conventional wisdom holds that pursuing an ultimatum strategy is risky. This book shows that the conventional wisdom is wrong on the basis of a new dataset of 87 ultimata issued from 1920–2020. It provides a historical examination of ultimata in Western strategic, political, and legal thought since antiquity until the present, and offers a four-pronged typology that explains their various purposes and effects: 1) the dictate, 2) the conditional war declaration, 3) the bluff, and 4) the brinkmanship ultimatum. The book yields a better understanding of interstate threat behaviour at a time of surging competition. Background materials can be consulted at www.coercivediplomacy.com.

This book examines the processes, practices and principles of defence planning in small and middle powers. Small and middle powers are recalibrating their force postures in this age of disruption. They are adapting their defence planning and military innovation processes to protect the security of their nations. The purpose of this book is to explore defence planning and military innovation in 11 contemporary case studies of small and middle powers in North America, Europe, the Middle East, Asia and Oceania. Employing a structured focused comparison framework, it traces patterns in the choices of small and middle powers across the following themes: (1) alliances, dependencies and national ambitions; (2) approaches, processes, methods and techniques; and (3) military innovation strategies and outcomes. Breaking new theoretical ground, it offers a three-pronged typology distinguishing between the strategic defence planner, the transactional defence planners and the complacent defence planner. The book offers a rich array of insights into cases that fall across different geographies, strategic cultures and governance systems. These insights can help guide discussions on how to structure decision-making structures, arrive at ambition levels, formulate priorities, select partners and design defence planning and military innovation processes. This book will be of much interest to students of defence studies, security studies, public policy and international relations, as well as to professionals in defence planning.

For three decades after the Cold War, NATO member states no longer faced a major threat, and focussed on out-of-area operations. They took the opportunity to reduce defence spending and foster their own national defence industries; interoperability was limited to air and maritime missions on a small scale. The 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea and war by proxy in eastern Donbass was a wake-up call, while China’s creeping seizure and fortification of islands in the South China Sea, as well as its relentless acquisition of Western technologies, similarly alerted the Western leadership to a less benign strategic environment. But the real shift occurred in 2022. China and Russia not only announced their ‘unlimited friendship’, but made clear their intention to reduce American hegemony by breaking up the NATO alliance and its Pacific equivalents. This volume is the first account of the challenges and solutions for so-called strategic integration in this coercive global situation. The contributors show, thematically and through selected national case-studies, how strategic integration and interoperability are conceived, debated, problematised and resolved. The chapters are written with specific reference to the illegal Russian invasion of Ukraine, which has galvanised a new era of integration and alliance cooperation within NATO.

This textbook on power, wealth, global order, and international relations is designed for students taking introductory courses in international relations and African studies. Challenging the intellectual domination of the north, this book shows what the world and its patterns of power, wealth, and privilege look like from an African perspective of transborder political and economic interaction in today’s world. Students are empowered to become active players on the global stage and to contribute to changing these structures and institutions for the better. Up-to-date advice is provided on how to use the Internet and how to pursue careers in international relations. A glossary, list of acronyms, bibliography, index, maps, and biographies of important people mentioned in the text are also included.

Compellence is a fundamental tool of international security policy. This study explains how culture shapes the ways that decision-makers respond to the threat of force. First, Morgan builds a theoretical framework, next he analyzes three cases in which states attempted to compel Japan to change its behavior. The first is an in-depth analysis of the 1895 triple intervention in which Russia, Germany, and France forced Japanese leaders to return the Liaotung Peninsula to China following the first Sino-Japanese War. The second and third relate to World War II: the 1941 oil embargo intended to coerce Tokyo to withdraw its military from China and Washington's 1945 efforts to force Japan to end the war. These cases explain much of the seemingly irrational behavior previously attributed to Japanese leaders. Morgan demonstrates that culture clearly influenced outcomes in all three cases by conditioning Japanese perceptions, strategic preferences, and governmental processes. These findings are relevant today, and recent conflicts suggest that they will be increasingly important into the 21st century. This book offers policy makers a much-needed method for employing strategic culture analysis to develop more effective security strategies—strategies that will be of vital importance in an increasingly volatile world.

In clear and jargon-free style, A Primer in Power Politics explains the concept of power politics and provides an introduction to the principles of humanistic political realism. This book answers the questions: When and why do states resort to the use of force, and what are the uses and limits of force in conflicts among nations? What can we realistically expect from the United Nations, the World Court, arbitration panels, and other peaceful settlement techniques? What role do morality, ethics, and world public opinion play in the international interactions of nations? The first contemporary work in international politics to address power politics, this text is ideal for courses in international relations, U.S. foreign policy, comparative foreign politics, international conflict, and national security.

Are nuclear weapons useful for coercive diplomacy? This book argues that they are useful for deterrence but not for offensive purposes.

Russia's place in the world as a powerful regional actor can no longer be denied; the question that remains concerns what this means in terms of foreign policy and domestic stability for the actors involved in the situation, as Russia comes to grips with its newfound sources of might.

George examines seven cases--from Pearl Harbor to the Persian Gulf--in which the United States has used coercive diplomacy in the past half-century.