The end of the Cold War created a near-euphoria that nations might resort less to military force and that the Doomsday nuclear clock might stop short of midnight. Events soon dashed the higher of these hopes, but the nature of military force and the uses to which it might be put did appear to be changing. In this volume eleven leading scholars apply their particular expertise to understanding what (if anything) has changed and what has not, why the patterns are as they are, and just what the future might bring. Together, the authors address political, moral, and military factors in the decision to use or avoid military force. Case studies of the Gulf War and Bosnia, analyses of the role of women in the armed forces and the role of intelligence agencies, and studies of inter-branch and inter-agency tensions and cooperation inform the various chapters. A strong and thoughtful introduction by H. W. Brands provides the context that ties together the themes and perspectives. Scholars in this distinguished collection include Stephen Biddle, Alexander L. George, J. Bryan Hehir, Andrew Kohut, Andrew Krepinevich, James M. Lindsay, Charles Moskos, Williamson Murray, Bruce Russett, Tony Smith, and Susan L. Woodward. The volume will help scholars, policy makers, and concerned citizens contemplate national alternatives when force threatens.

The cold war came to a grinding halt during the astounding developments of 1989-1991. The Berlin Wall fell, Eastern European countries freed themselves from Soviet domination, and the Soviet Union itself disintegrated after witnessing a failed coup presumably aimed at restoring a communist dictatorship. Suddenly the "evil empire" was no more, and U.S. foreign policy was forever changed. This volume explores the revisions to a variety of bureaucratic institutions and policy areas in the wake of these political upheavals.

This Oxford Handbook provides an authoritative and comprehensive analysis of one of the most controversial areas of international law. Over seventy contributors assess the current state of the international law prohibiting the use of force, assessing its development and analysing the many recent controversies that have arisen in this field.

This book fills a gap in the literature on coercion and assesses the usefulness of coercive diplomacy in the post-Cold war era. The theoretical framework explains why coercive diplomacy politics succeed or fail, identifies the conditions under which Western states will be willing to back coercive strategies with use of limited force and highlights how the need for collective action affects the use of coercion. The framework is tested empirically in analyses of the Gulf crisis, the Yugoslav wars and the Haiti crisis.

The question of burden sharing has always been important in NATO with an acute relevance today as the US will cut its defence budget over a ten-year period and is no longer automatically willing to lead military operations. This volume considers Europe's role in political force for the future exploring eight European case studies.

This book provides a comprehensive, dispassionate empirical analysis and assessment of the discernible impact that the US has had upon the jus ad bellum in the post-Cold War era. The work focuses on the substantive areas of the jus ad bellum with which the US has most often and significantly engaged with through either its actions, justifications for actions, or adopted policies. In doing so, it draws upon the theory of interpretive communities as its framework of analysis in order to gauge any impact upon this fundamental area of international law. The Persistent Advocate and the Use of Force provides a much needed examination of one of the most controversial issues of international law in recent times whilst, on a more general level, offering a timely defence of the robustness of the jus ad bellum to the practice of powerful states.

This volume of essays examines the development of political and legal thinking regarding the use of force in international relations. It provides an analysis of the rules on the use of force in the political, normative and factual contexts within which they apply and assesses their content and relevance in the light of new challenges such as terrorism, weapons of mass destruction and cyber-attacks. The volume begins with an overview of the ancient and medieval concepts of war and the use of force and then concentrates on the contemporary legal framework regulating the use of force as moulded by the United Nations Charter and state practice. In this regard it discusses specific issues such as the use of force by way of self-defence, armed reprisals, forcible reactions to terrorism, the use of force in the cyberspace, humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect. This collection of previously published classic research articles is of interest to scholars and students of international law and international relations as well as practitioners in international law.

There are various opinions on the relevance of the United Nations concerning the authorisation of the use of force. Idealists demand UN authorisation for any type of intervention and strict adherence to a narrow interpretation of international law. Realists have a more sceptical stance, arguing that international law and international institutions are only successful under specific circumstances. Neoconservatives defy international law and international institutions. These arguments are compared and then applied to several case studies. It is explained why unilateralist thinking is not viable; why the use of force in circumvention of the UN framework is never legal; and that cases where intervention is illegal but legitimate necessitate reform of international laws and institutions.

The Cold War period witnessed competition from political, economic, ideological, diplomatic, military and social dimensions between the United States of America (USA), and the then Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). In the superpower rivalries, India and Africa were adversely affected in many ways. The situation did not change for the better in the post-Cold War period, which has witnessed the domination of the world by the US and its allies, the Group of Eight (G-8) industrialised countries. This domination has been characterised by the process of Americanization of the worlds, otherwise termed globalisation, in virtually all spheres of life. USA, India, Africa During and After the Cold War demonstrates that both the United States and The Soviet Union used African States, India and other Third World countries for their own geopolitical considerations; that the foreign policy and foreign relations of the US were meant to subject Africa and India to the dictates of US imperialism. The book assesses the impact of the Cold War and the post-Cold War order on Africa, India and the entire world and argues that the Non Aligned Movement is still relevant to the Third World countries despite the demise of the Cold War. The book analyses issues from the African point of view as opposed to hitherto Western view points but provides a balanced appreciation of the complex forces that shape foreign policies and foreign relations globally. It is a valuable contribution to modern diplomatic history and targets university students, researchers, foreign affairs ministries, and practicing diplomats.

Politics & Government.