Arguing for a new and sober look at the nature of U.S.-Latin American relations, Dr. Hayes addresses the question: Does the United States have compelling national interests in maintaining close relations with Latin American countries? Her conclusion is yes, but for reasons different from those offered in the traditional literature or espoused by many policy analysts. She maintains that U.S. interests in relations with Latin America are primarily political, secondarily economic--though economic ties are the basis of the relationship--and only marginally military. Proper emphasis on these long-term interests may be critical to U.S. national security in a global, as well as regional, context. Dr. Hayes points out that the Latin American countries--occupying a unique position among developing nations today because of their comparatively successful experiences in achieving economic growth and development--represent an increasingly important political influence in both the developed and developing worlds. Moreover, she argues, it is in the U.S. interest to give economic aid to the less-developed countries in the hemisphere, particularly in the Caribbean Basin: U.S. security is better preserved and enhanced by encouraging political and economic stability in the region than by promoting military alliances that Latin Americans may not really want. Supporting the need for a revised rationale for U.S.-Latin American relations, Dr. Hayes focuses in detail on the regions and nations of special interest to the United States today: the Caribbean Basin, Mexico (in a chapter by Professor Bruce M. Bagley), Brazil, and the Southern Cone.

Although the term national interest has long been used in reference to the foreign policy goals of nations, there has been no generally agreed upon definition of the concept; as a result, Donald E. Nuechterlein contends, there has been a tendency for foreign policy to be determined by institutional prejudice and past policy rather than by a systematic assessment of national interests. By what criterion does a President decide that a given interest is or is not vital-that is, whether he must contemplate defending it by force if other measures fail? In this study Nuechterlein offers a new conceptual framework for the analysis of foreign policy decisions; resting on more precise definitions and distinguishing among the degrees of interest that the United States perceives in the range of foreign policy issues it faces. He also deals with the constitutional problem of checks and balances between the Presidency and Congress in setting the goals of foreign policy, and the influence of private interest groups and the media on the definition of national interest. Underlining the need for constant reassessment of priorities in a rapidly changing international environment, Nuechterlein illustrates his analysis by drawing on the American experience in foreign affairs since World War II. A case study of the American involvement in Southeast Asia describes how six presidents, beginning with Franklin Roosevelt, viewed United States interests there and the conclusions each drew in terms of policy tools to defend those interests in Vietnam. Finally, he assesses what the future vital interests of the United States are likely to be in light of the shifting balance of world power, and the growing importance of international economics.

Foreign policy of the United States is a complex mechanism defined both by constitutional law as well as by various instruments of public and private pressure. This book examines first of all the foreign policy roles of the President and Congress. History has shown control of foreign policy has shifted between the Executive Branch and Congress depending on public opinion, perceived strengths of various presidents, congressional interest levels and willingness of power congressmen to oppose the president. National interest as a foreign policy element is considered as well. Albeit a vague term that can and often is construed to mean whatever a particular president or congress is interested in the moment, there are several areas of general agreement; cheap oil for American consumers; halting nuclear proliferation; containment of Russia; following Israeli direction on Mid-East policy; trying to open Chinese markets for American companies; generally serving as an active agent of American business in global markets; maintaining and projecting American's military muscle throughout the world. The book also examines the government organisations involved in foreign policy, the laws related to various countries, foreign election monitoring, economic sanctions as instruments of foreign policy, international terrorism and the War Powers Resolution.