A critique of America's flawed Asia policy that centres on US-Japan relations but harkens back to the same disastrous views that drew America into Vietnam. The technique is a narrative flow of short vignettes woven into longer chapters; the main strands are personal reflections and interviews.

China's dramatic reforms are usually said to have been caused by the policies of state leaders under Deng Xiaoping. This fascinating new study by one of the West's leading authorities on contemporary China shows, however, that reforms began and are maintained by local networks. They emerged first in the economy -- partly as unintended results of previous policies. Agricultural extension in Mao Zedong's time freed so much labor from the land in rich areas, such as the Shanghai delta, that peasant leaders set up rural industries to employ clients. Many of these leaders were avowed "state cadres", but they acted for local constituencies more than for Beijing. Their initiatives can be documented in the early 1970s, long before the 1978 proclamation of new enterprises, which the central bureaucracy could not monitor, taking materials and markets away from state industries. This caused socialist control of input prices and commodity flows to collapse by the mid-1980s. As a result, shortages and inflation bedeviled the economy, the state ran deficits, management decentralized local banks proliferated, and immigration to cities soared.

This groundbreaking handbook of original works by leading behavioral economists is the first comprehensive articulation of behavioral economics theory. At a time when conventional approaches have failed to resolve key economic concerns, the book provides a provocative alternative view of how economic decisions are actually made.

In recent years historians and political observers have vilified Mao Tse-tung and placed him in a class with tyrants like Hitler and Stalin. But, as Lee Feigon points out in his startling revision of Mao, the Chinese leader has been tainted by the actions and policies of the same Soviet-style Communist bureaucrats he came to hate and attempted to eliminate. Mr. Feigon argues that the movements for which Mao is almost universally condemned today—the Great Leap Forward and especially the Cultural Revolution—were in many ways beneficial for the Chinese people. They forced China to break with its Stalinist past and paved the way for its great economic and political strides in recent years. While not glossing over Mao’s mistakes, some of which had heinous consequences, Mr. Feigon contends that Mao should be largely praised for many of his later efforts—such as the attacks he began to level in the late 1950s on those bureaucrats responsible for many of the problems that continue to plague China today. In reevaluating Mao’s contributions, this interpretive study reverses the recent curve of criticism, seeing Mao’s late-in-life contributions to the Chinese revolution more favorably while taking a more critical view of his earlier efforts. Whereas most studies praise the Mao of the 1930s and 1940s as an original and independent thinker, Mr. Feigon contends that during this period his ideas and actions were fairly ordinary—but that he depended much more on Stalin’s help than has been acknowledged. Mao: A Reinterpretation seeks a more informed perspective on one of the most important political leaders of the twentieth century.

Annotation. Many of China's rivers and lakes are strongly polluted, the air in cities is amongst the worst in the world, while some have warned that if the country is not careful it may soon have insufficient arable land to feed its population. This book looks at why the protection of natural resources through stricter legislation and more stringent law enforcement has been so difficult. It does so through a combination of a local case with comparative and theoretical insights about lawmaking, compliance and enforcement. It offers a unique view on how law functions in the world's largest legal system, and how such law interacts with the social, economic and political circumstances at hand. This book offers an incomparable body of empirical and theoretical knowledge for those interested in how law functions in China, as well as those interested in the workings of regulatory lawmaking, compliance, and enforcement in a comparative perspective. This title can be previewed in Google Books - http://books.google.com/books?vid=ISBN9789087280130.

Why have Taiwan, rich parts of China, and Thailand boomed famously, while the Philippines has long remained stagnant both economically and politically? Do booms abet democracy? Does the rise of middle “classes” promise future liberalization? Why has Philippine democracy brought no boom and barely served the Filipino people?This book, unlike most previous studies, shows that both the roots and results of growth are largely political rather than economic. Specifically, it pays attention to local, not just national, power networks that caused or prevented growth in the four places under consideration. Violence has been common in these polities, along with money. Elections have contributed to socio-political problems that are also obvious in Leninist or junta regimes, because elections are surprisingly easy to buy with corrupt money from government contracts. Liberals should pay more serious theoretical attention to the effects of money on justice, and Western political science should focus more clearly on the ways non-state local power affects elections. By considering the effects on fair justice of local money and power (largely from small- and medium-sized firms that emerge after agrarian reforms), this book asks democrats to face squarely the extent to which electoral procedures fail to help ordinary citizens. Students and scholars of Asia will all need this book — as will students of the West whose methods have become parochial.