This comprehensive volume brings together a diverse set of scholars to analyse candidate nomination, intra-party democracy, and election violence in Africa. Through a combination of comparative studies and country-specific case studies spanning much of Sub-Saharan Africa, including Kenya, Zambia, and South Africa, the authors shed light on violence during candidate nomination processes within political parties. The book covers several cases that vary significantly in terms of democracy, party dominance and competitiveness, and the institutionalization and inclusiveness of candidate selection processes. The authors investigate how common violence is during candidate nomination processes; whether the drivers of nomination violence are identical to those of general election violence; whether nomination violence can be avoided in high risk cases such as dominant party regimes with fierce intra-party competition for power; and which subnational locations are most likely to experience nomination violence. Through its focus on violence in nomination processes, this book firmly places the role of political parties at the centre of the analysis of African election violence. While adding to our theoretical and empirical understanding of nomination violence, the book contributes to the literature on conflict, the literature on democratization and democratic consolidation, and the literature on African political parties. This book was originally published as a special issue of the journal Democratization.

Compendium of African sub-regional human rights documentsEdited by Solomon Ebobrah and Armand Tanoh2010ISBN: 978-0-9814420-9-9Pages: vii 510Print version: AvailableElectronic version: Free PDF available.

Multiparty elections have become the bellwether by which all democracies are judged, and the spread of these systems across Africa has been widely hailed as a sign of the continent's progress towards stability and prosperity. But such elections bring their own challenges, particularly the often intense internecine violence following disputed results. While the consequences of such violence can be profound, undermining the legitimacy of the democratic process and in some cases plunging countries into civil war or renewed dictatorship, little is known about the causes. By mapping, analysing and comparing instances of election violence in different localities across Africa – including Kenya, Ivory Coast and Uganda – this collection of detailed case studies sheds light on the underlying dynamics and sub-national causes behind electoral conflicts, revealing them to be the result of a complex interplay between democratisation and the older, patronage-based system of 'Big Man' politics. Essential for scholars and policymakers across the social sciences and humanities interested in democratization, peace-keeping and peace studies, Violence in African Elections provides important insights into why some communities prove more prone to electoral violence than others, offering practical suggestions for preventing violence through improved electoral monitoring, voter education, and international assistance.

This book examines how governments around the world responded to the health emergency created by the COVID-19 pandemic. Before vaccines became available, non-medical interventions were the main means to protect the public. Non-medical interventions were put in place by governments as public health policies. In every nation, politicians and governments faced a choice situation, and worldwide, they made different choices. Public health policies came at a price, in economic, social, and ultimately electoral costs to the political incumbents. The book discusses differences in governments’ policy efforts to mitigate the virus spread. The authors conduct in-depth analysis of country-cases from Africa, North and South America, Asia, and Europe. They also offer small-n- comparative analyses as well as report global patterns and trends of governments’ responsiveness to the medical emergency. It will appeal to all those interested in public policy, health policy and governance.

The third wave of democracy that reached African shores at the end of the Cold War brought with it a dramatic decline from 1990 onwards in dictatorships, military regimes, one-party governments, and presidents for life. Multiparty democracy was at the core of the constitutional revolutions that swept through most of Africa in those watershed years. However, that wave is either losing momentum or receding - or being reversed in its entirety. This volume examines democracy and elections in Africa, a focus motivated by two concerns. First, after 30 years it is important to take stock of the state of constitutional democracy on the continent. The democratic gains of the 1990s and 2000s seem to be falling by the wayside, with the evidence mounting that regimes are concealing authoritarianism under the veneer of elections, doing so in an international context where populist regimes are on the rise and free and fair multiparty elections are consequently no longer a given. It is becoming a battle to protect and retain constitutional democracy. The second reason for this volume's focus on democracy and elections is that multiparty democracy is essential for the proper functioning of the state in addressing the major problems facing Africa - internal conflict, inequality and lack of development, and poor governance and corruption. The focus of this volume is thus on how competitive politics or multiparty democracy can be realized and how, through competition, such politics could lead to better policy and practice outcomes.

AFRICAN or STATES of SOMALIA LEADER MUST CHANGE OLD FASHION TO NEW STYLES. African Politician and Westering Politicians, Are they Some Infrastructure of the Leadership? Are they Some Public Administration three topics? Where are African Parliaments, Presidents, and Supreme Court? African Youngest did not a comparing them, plus contrasting? Are they worked Africans Some together? They must rebuild to Public Administration, Sharing, Cabinet, & Local Governments. Then, Somalia Cities must be a purpose of inscription. African did not have Supreme Court, Federal judgement, or difference informal is not to States of African. “African Union population is 2.5 billion. No African Union Federal, African Parties Cumulative will need new money 270 Billion (No money such as Coins) African Union Central Bank Trade between African States such as 5.9 trillion Coins in 2020 In 1963s, launch of the organizations of African Union (OAU) precursor to the African Union. In 1970s, Establishing of the Regional Economic Communications and States In 1991, Treaty of Abuja is signed setting up the African Union Economic States In 2002, OAU Reorganized any Re-launched as the African Union (AU) In 2004, Pan African Parliaments Established. In 2012, Endorsement of the Action plan on Boosting into African Trade (BIAT) In 2014, Finalization of the EAC, COMESA, SADC, In 2015, Summit of the African Union leading to the launch of the CFTA, negotiation Continent Tree Trade Area”. African Union will need a Public Administration. They will need a new tactics, new Highways, news train, new sewages. They will need a Nuclear Power, Nuclear of the waters system, new free borders, new trade system, new investment of infrastructure system between such as 54 States in of African Union. Youngest believed African Union leaders. African Union lost in the world since 1960s intendents. However, African Union would need a new system of highways, a federal African Union Parliaments, Supreme Courts, and new Ministers, and a new money, new infrastructure between inside 54 states. For example, Every Cities in Somalia will need a train or busses in African States. Somalia president are going to looking for new investments Trade, Economic, Farmers, animals. Somalia President is going to get a New Deal, trains, Airports, Freeways, and new Investments. However, State of Somalia people travel to West, South, North, and East African States. The Somalia president will need correspondingly include all public roads and private track management. International companies Agencies. States in the neighborhoods, world Banks, Privates companies, For example, President Somalia is going to rebuilding new public administration rule, and private Farm, Animals productions, text returns. It must a conforming an appearance to restrained admittance. The State of Somalia did not require world leaders, new investments such as nature resources, Gas, Oil, created new money to African Union. its own investment of good highways, new technique. Every state will need prerequisite my ideas, new assisted, new private corporations, AU new moneys, AU Central Bank most heavies traded new currencies. AU will need new infrastructure system such as transportation, Airports, Import and Exports, Heavy train deliveries system between State of Somalia costs to African Union States.

The book focuses on marketing practices in the developing countries with a special focus on Africa. The Book is divided into 15 chapters covering various aspects of the marketing. The authors have as much as possible used local ( African) examples. Each chapter has at least two cases, one at the beginning and another towards the end, with one or a few questions to assist the reader reflect on the case. The authors have tried to use very practical cases that make it quite easy for the reader to understand and follow. Academicians will find this book very useful especially in tackle marketing issues within the African Context. Practitioners will equally find it very useful as it offers very practical suggestions on how to solve marketing problems especially in the developing countries

The book?s collection of research and analyses aims to close a substantial gap in systematic analyses of local politics, elections and government in South Africa. This book?s 20 authors represent the perspectives of many of South Africa?s most accomplished scholars. The collective project sheds valuable light on ?the local, the heart of politics in South Africa?.

Women and Power in Africa: Aspiring, Campaigning, and Governing examines women's experiences in African politics as aspirants to public office, as candidates in election campaigns, and as elected representatives. Part I evaluates women's efforts to become party candidates in four African countries: Benin, Ghana, Malawi, and Zambia. The chapters draw on a variety of methods, including extensive interviews with women candidates, to describe and assess the barriers confronted when women seek to enter politics. The chapters help explain why women remain underrepresented as candidates for office, particularly in countries without gender-based quotas, by emphasizing the impact of financial constraints, fears of violence, and resistance among party leaders. Part II turns to women's experiences as candidates during elections in Kenya and Ghana. One chapter provides an in-depth account of a woman's presidential bid in Kenya, demonstrating how gendered ethnicity undermined her candidacy, and another chapter presents a novel evaluation of the media's coverage of women candidates in Ghana. Part III turns to women as legislators in Namibia, Uganda, and Burkina Faso, asking whether women engage in substantive representation on gendered policy issues once in office. The chapters challenge the assumption that a critical mass of women is necessary or sufficient to achieve substantive representation. Taken together, the book's chapters problematize existing hypotheses regarding women in political power, drawing on understudied countries and variety of empirical methods. By following political pathways from entry to governance, the book uncovers how gendered experiences early in the political process shape what is possible for women once they attain political power. Oxford Studies in African Politics and International Relations is a series for scholars and students working on African politics and International Relations and related disciplines. Volumes concentrate on contemporary developments in African political science, political economy, and International Relations, such as electoral politics, democratization, decentralization, the political impact of natural resources, the dynamics and consequences of conflict, and the nature of the continent's engagement with the East and West. Comparative and mixed methods work is particularly encouraged. Case studies are welcomed but should demonstrate the broader theoretical and empirical implications of the study and its wider relevance to contemporary debates. The series focuses on sub-Saharan Africa, although proposals that explain how the region engages with North Africa and other parts of the world are of interest. Series Editors: Nic Cheeseman, Professor of Democracy and International Development, University of Birmingham; and Ricardo Soares de Oliveira, Professor of the International Politics of Africa, University of Oxford.