While several books have been written about the life and views of Walter Lippmann, this volume is unique in its emphasis on Lippmann's relationship to American liberalism. Riccio examines Lippmann's political thought as evidenced in both his "scholarly" and journalistic work. He observes that although Lippmann started out as a socialist and ended up as something of a conservative, he usually backed liberal public policies and often explored liberalism's philosophical underpinnings. "Walter Lippmann"--"Odyssey of a Liberal "describes Lippmann's attraction to, involvement in, and disillusionment with American socialism prior to the First World War. It chronicles his brief career as a progressive reformer, and his subsequent disenchantment with that movement. Riccio also examines Lippmann's views on foreign affairs. Lippmann's relationships with conservatives and their influence on his views are also explored. Riccio articulates Lippmann's vision of liberalism as being at odds with much of the liberal mentality of his tune. In particular, he contrasts the pundit's views on politics, economics, public opinion, and moral authority with those of John Dewey.

A journalist and a political philosopher of international repute, Walter Lippman was the author of more than twenty books, scores of essays, and countless newspaper editorials, articles, and columns. There can be no doubt that during the last half century he exercised considerable influence on American public and official opinion regarding international as well as domestic politics. His syndicated column "Today and Tomorrow" regularly appeared in the New York Herald Tribune from 1931 to 1967. It was carried by a large number of other newspapers in the United States and abroad. The present work attempts to discover and state Lippmann's philosophy of international politics as it developed over the years 1913 to 1963. The book brings out the evolution of his thought on such basic questions as human nature, nation-states and nationalism, the national interest, alliances, the balance of power, idealism and realism, regionalism, the universal society, and the enforcement of international peace. Lippmann's general theory of government is examined. Also presented are his views on topical questions such as the Atlantic Community, NATO, the current French rivalry with the "Anglo-Saxons," the place of Germany in Europe, the containment of Castro's Cuba, the future of Formosa, and America's stake in the battle for the minds of men in Asia and Africa. Necessarily, the author refers to major events and developments in international politics during the past half century. On important problems and issues the views of Lippmann's contemporaries, as well as those of distinguished statesmen and philosophers of the past, have been placed alongside his own in order to indicate his connection with the main currents of thought on the subjects under discussion. Thus, while the book concerns Lippmann primarily, it contains useful references to other writers, debates, and schools of thought. The importance of Lippmann's penetrating thought on problems of world politics grew with the destructive potential of national power confrontations. This careful study is therefore a timely one, and should be of interest to professional and also lay students of international politics.

Walter Lippmann was the most distinguished American journalist and public philosopher of the twentieth century. But he was also something more: a public economist who helped millions of ordinary citizens make sense of the most devastating economic depression in history. Craufurd Goodwin offers a new perspective from which to view this celebrated but only partly understood icon of American letters. From 1931 to 1946 Lippmann pursued a far-ranging correspondence with leading economic thinkers: John Maynard Keynes, Lionel Robbins, Friedrich Hayek, Henry Simons, Adolf Berle, Frank Taussig, and others. Sifting through their divergent views, Lippmann formed his own ideas about economic policy during the Great Depression and shared them with a vast readership in his syndicated column, Today and Tomorrow. Unemployment, monetary and fiscal policy, and the merits and drawbacks of free markets were just a few of the issues he helped explain to the public, at a time when professional economists who were also skilled at translating abstract concepts for a lay audience had yet to come on the scene. After World War II Lippmann focused on foreign affairs but revisited economic policy when he saw threats to liberal democracy. In addition to pointing out the significance of the Marshall Plan and the World Bank, he addressed the emerging challenge of inflation and what he called “the riddle of the Sphinx”: whether price stability and full employment could be achieved in an economy with strong unions.

Some of the worst military disasters in U.S. history occurred between Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941 and the Battle of Midway in June 1942. During this period, the American people faced a barrage of bad news and accounts of defeats and retreats. Yet if they were shocked and dismayed, they showed little panic. Indomitable Will resurrects the legacy of this first half-year of American combat during WWII -a legacy of pain, but not of woe. Historian Charles Kupfer recounts the story of the war's early defeats: Bataan, Corregidor, Wake Island, and the Java Sea. Some of these battles remain evocative today; others are obscure; all were catastrophes for American arms. Kupfer asserts, however, that later victories were made inevitable by the steeling effect of those initial disasters. Weaving together military, journalistic, political, and cultural histories, this engaging book shows that by setting their collective will on victory, Americans in and out of uniform gained strength from their setbacks. Indomitable Will spells out how the nation turned early defeat into ultimate victory.

A new intellectual history of U.S. foreign policy from the late nineteenth century to the present Worldmaking is a compelling new take on the history of American diplomacy. Rather than retelling the story of realism versus idealism, David Milne suggests that U.S. foreign policy has also been crucially divided between those who view statecraft as an art and those who believe it can aspire to the certainty of science. Worldmaking follows a cast of characters who built on one another’s ideas to create the policies we have today. Woodrow Wilson’s Universalism and moralism led Sigmund Freud to diagnose him with a messiah complex. Walter Lippmann was a syndicated columnist who commanded the attention of leaders as diverse as Theodore Roosevelt, Lyndon Johnson, and Charles de Gaulle. Paul Wolfowitz was the intellectual architect of the 2003 invasion of Iraq—and an admirer of Wilson’s attempt to “make the world safe for democracy.” Each was engaged in a process of worldmaking, formulating strategies that sought to deploy the nation’s vast military and economic power—or sought to retrench and focus on domestic issues—to shape a world in which the United States would be best positioned to thrive. Tracing American statecraft from the age of steam engines to the age of drones, Milne reveals patterns of worldmaking that have remained impervious to the passage of time. The result is a panoramic history of U.S. foreign policy driven by ideas and by the lives and times of their authors.

One of The Wall Street Journal’s best political books of 2022 An eye-opening new history of American political conflict, from Alexander Hamilton to Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. These days it seems that nobody is satisfied with American democracy. Critics across the ideological spectrum warn that the country is heading toward catastrophe but also complain that nothing seems to change. At the same time, many have begun to wonder if the gulf between elites and ordinary people has turned democracy itself into a myth. The urges to defend the country’s foundations and to dismantle them coexist—often within the same people. How did we get here? Why does it feel like the country is both grinding to a halt and falling to pieces? In Realigners, the historian Timothy Shenk offers an eye-opening new biography of the American political tradition. In a history that runs from the drafting of the Constitution to the storming of the Capitol, Shenk offers sharp pen portraits of signal characters from James Madison and Charles Sumner to Phyllis Schlafly and Barack Obama. The result is an entertaining and provocative reassessment of the people who built the electoral coalitions that defined American democracy—and a guide for a time when figures ranging from Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez to MAGA-minded nationalists seek to turn radical dreams into political realities. In an era when it seems democracy is caught in perpetual crisis, Realigners looks at earlier moments in which popular majorities transformed American life. We’ve had those moments before. And if there’s an escape from the doom loop that American politics has become, it’s because we might have one again.

Just as economists struggle today to justify the free market after the global economic crisis, an earlier generation revisited their worldview after the Great Depression. In this intellectual history of that project, Burgin traces the evolution of postwar economic thought in order to reconsider the most basic assumptions of a market-centered world.

"These six volumes focus on the history and legacies of the Vietnam War on the basis of the best scholarly articles. The six volumes analyze, respectively, the origins of the Indochina wars; military strategy; the role of prominent individuals; the antiwar movement; the lessons of Vietnam; and representations of the war in popular culture. A brief introduction accompanies each volume."--V.1. Series Introduction.