In Europe and beyond, today populism is alive and kicking. Over the past few years, anti-establishment parties have made substantial strides. Some of them have reached the levers of governments, while others are consolidating their gains. Being a “thin” ideology, populism is being contaminated by nationalism. This book offers a number of case studies on those countries whose governments have been labelled “national-populist”. Ranging from Italy to the United States, from the Visegrad countries to Turkey, Russia, and Latin America, this Report aims to single out what all these cases have in common, but also what sets them apart from each other.

Populism and globalization are shorthand for the temper of our times. Populism is usually cast as globalization’s nemesis, a backlash against worldwide connectivity, while globalization is often said to be in retreat or even demise. This book takes issue with both interpretations, claiming instead that while populism of all shades tends to be anti-globalist, the globalism it is pitted against has changed dramatically in recent years and is increasingly decentred, destabilized, contingent, multipolar, and multidirectional. Axford paints a picture of this new globalization and dissects the strains of postmodern populism that both contest it and are its expression. Attention to the current surge of populism also affords purchase on an axial feature of our turbulent and globalized world—the imbrication or antithesis of local and global, of difference and sameness. This is an interdisciplinary examination of populism as a factor in global change, drawing on international politics, sociology, and global studies.

Despite the recent wealth of literature on national populism, research has often overlooked one crucial aspect: the border. This innovative book bridges these key concepts, providing a new theoretical conceptualisation of the interplay between populism, nationalism and territorial borders.

This book investigates the historical roots of the Italian Republic’s oldest surviving political party, the populist far right Lega (Nord), tracing its origins to post-war Italy. The author examines two main case studies: the Movements for Regional Autonomy (MRAs), the Piedmontese Movement for Regional Autonomy (the MARP) and the Bergamascan Movement for Autonomy (the MAB), both of which formed a first wave of post-war populist regionalism from 1955 until 1960. The regionalist leagues which later emerged in both Piedmont and Lombardy in the 1980s – and which would later form part of the Lega Nord – represented in many ways a revival of the MRAs’ populist regionalist discourse and ideology and, therefore, a second wave of post-war populist regionalism. Despite this, neither the MRAs nor the twenty year gap between these waves of activism have received the attention they deserve. Drawing on a series of archival and secondary sources this book takes an innovative approach which blends concepts and theories from historical sociology and political science. It also provides a nuanced examination of the continuities and discontinuities between the MRAs and the Lega from the 1950s until time of publication. This contributes to debates not only in contemporary Italian history, but also populism and the far right. While rooted in historical approaches, the book’s interdisciplinarity makes it suitable for students and researchers across a variety of subject areas including European history, modern history, and political history.

Providing a comparative analysis of Central and Eastern European economies, this book explores the economic impacts of populism in those countries in the region which have seen some form of populist rule. Populism has been thriving in the new member states of the EU ever since the outburst of the global financial and economic crisis, but unlike the cases of Latin America, Brexit or the Trump administration, the emphasis has not been on trade protectionism or unsustainable macroeconomic policies in these countries. This book demonstrates that studying macroeconomic variables such as fiscal balance or current account positions cannot tell the whole story of the economic consequences of populism. Instead, a more nuanced scrutiny of who gets what under populist rule is required. Adopting the ideational definition of populism, the volume shows that Central and Eastern European populists have heavily reshaped redistributive policies; yet, they have not neglected the budget constraint of the general government. Instead, there has been a tendency to disregard the institutional constraints of decision-making in the economy and, in turn, to redefine the regulatory framework and property rights structure of the respective economies. This innovative edited volume will be of interest to readers in political economy and political science who wish to better understand the impacts of populism.

This book is about the 100 years of World Wars and Regional Collaboration in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, investigating and considering how to foster Good Governance and New World Order. The world is currently at the historical turning point. The twentieth century witnessed two World Wars (WWI and WWII), followed by the Cold War that dominated geopolitics. Amidst the post-war devastation, the European Community, soon succeeded by the European Union, came into being. Peaceful governance was nurtured by building economic collaboration and institutions and by establishing liberalism, democracy and the rule of law. In Asia, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) also pursued regional governance after WWII, but in East Asia, the American Divide and Rule policy is continuing until now by the influence of China, North Korea and Russia. In the contemporary world in the twenty-first century, a new nationalism, Populism and Authoritarianism are spreading. At the same time, a wave of rapid economic growth is occurring in developing countries, especially in China and India. Destabilization is spreading in East Asia, Southeast Asia, and South Asia concurrently with the search for “Democratization”. Through the two World Wars and the Cold War which originated in 100 years of the twentieth century, what types of regional institutions and governance have been developed to avoid endless wars and conflicts? In this book, it is examined, what kind of order is necessary to stabilize the regions from conflicts and wars in both Europe and Asia. The themes of the Tokyo Conferences and the Kyoto Conference by SCJ (Science Council of Japan) in December 2020, were investigated and clarified, how the countries that were caught up in global wars have considered regional coexistence in each period, and how to establish peace, stability, and prosperity by means of new institutionalizations, norms and the rule of law. The aim of the authors is to examine and discuss How to create New World Order, Regional Collaborations and Good Governance in the historical power transition period. This book can inspire many scholars and young researchers to join in discussing how to create New World Order in the twenty-first century, from the midst of the unstable situations of the global geopolitics.

This book explores the most important aspects of populism as a significant social phenomenon. It recapitulates the approaches to defining populism in the social sciences, singles out the most important concepts in the definition of populism, and presents them to the readership. Specific to this book is that it seeks to promote an approach that sees populism as a meta-ideology, that is, an ideology that uses other political ideologies instrumentally. In addition, the book Populism as Meta Ideology identifies the most important factors that have contributed to the growth of populism in recent times. Modernization, globalization, the crisis of political parties, and the transformation of the public sphere have been identified as such factors. A chapter is devoted to each of these factors in the book. The book concludes by examining the interaction between populism and liberal democracy, both theoretically and practically.

The Right-Wing Critique of Europe analyses the opposition to the European Union from a variety of right-wing organisations in Western, Central and Eastern Europe. In recent years, opposition to the processes of globalisation and the programme of closer European integration, understood as a threat to the sovereignty of individual member states, has led to an intensification of Eurosceptic sentiments on the Old Continent. The results of the European parliamentary elections in 2014 and 2019, the Brexit referendum and electoral results in different European countries are all testament to the considerable growth of radical populist-nationalist and conservative-sovereignist movements and parties. The common idea that binds these groups, both in Western Europe and in Central and Eastern Europe, is a hostile attitude towards the idea of (an ever-more integrated) united Europe. These parties reject not only the project of building a European federation, but also the current model of the European Union and the values underlying its attitudes. They are united by their criticism of EU policies, in particular those concerning security, emigration, multiculturalism, gender equality and the rights of minorities, as well as economic liberalism and the common currency. However, this criticism manifests itself with varying degrees of intensity, and not all parties fit the classic definition of Euroscepticism but instead represent its mild form, Eurorealism. The authors bring together reflections on the organic and complex critique of the European Union, its policies and cultural and ideological character. The book provides a comparative analysis of this criticism at the transnational level. This book will be of interest to researchers of European politics, the radical right and Euroscepticism. The Open Access version of this book, available at www.taylorfrancis.com , has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution- Non Commercial- No Derivatives 4.0 license.

A stunningly novel account of why populism and fascism are on the rise in the early 21st century. There is no question that we live in paradoxical times. In the most technologically advanced societies, wild conspiracy theories and a broad distrust of science and expertise have created deep political divisions that are splitting nations in two. In Defensive Nationalism, Beth S. Rabinowitz looks at the rise of nativism and populism today by using the works of two great theoreticians: Karl Polanyi and Joseph Schumpeter. Drawing from both theory and history, she combines Polanyi's concept of the "double movement" away from markets and toward social protection with Schumpeter's theory of innovation. Rabinowitz argues that the rapid transformation of transportation and communications during the Industrial Revolution and the Digital Revolution created economic interdependence and capital flows that induced liberal social, economic, and political changes. In response, separate populist movements, stemming from particular national histories and struggles, arose concurrently. Rabinowitz calls these illiberal responses "defensive nationalism" and reframes nationalism as a three-part process: creative, consolidating, and defensive. Constructing new parameters through which we can study these socio-political patterns across time and space, this book weaves together a fascinating narrative that spans two centuries.

Cognisant of the ongoing pandemic and political turmoil across Europe, this timely book examines the growing influence of populist movements in Central and Eastern Europe. Simona Kukovič and Petr Just bring together contributions from experts working in the fields of political science and sociology to study the roots and ramifications of populism in this historically turbulent region.