In 1891, thousands of Tennessee miners rose up against the use of convict labor by the state's coal companies, eventually engulfing five mountain communities in a rebellion against government authority. Propelled by the insurgent sensibilities of Populism and Gilded Age unionism, the miners initially sought to abolish the convict lease system through legal challenges and legislative lobbying. When nonviolent tactics failed to achieve reform, the predominantly white miners repeatedly seized control of the stockades and expelled the mostly black convicts from the mining districts. Insurrection hastened the demise of convict leasing in Tennessee, though at the cost of greatly weakening organized labor in the state's coal regions. Exhaustively researched and vividly written, A New South Rebellion brings to life the hopes that rural southerners invested in industrialization and the political tensions that could result when their aspirations were not met. Karin Shapiro skillfully analyzes the place of convict labor in southern economic development, the contested meanings of citizenship in late-nineteenth-century America, the weaknesses of Populist-era reform politics, and the fluidity of race relations during the early years of Jim Crow.

A new history of the American South during Reconstruction shows how a complex blending of new ideas and old hatreds developed in the region following the Civil War. By the author of Vengeance and Justice.

The thirty years prior to the Civil War were flamboyant and fiery times for the South. People had a passion for political issues and an ear for the lusty oratory that could be heard at any gathering, social or political. In Oratory in the Old South, Waldo Braden and his associates looked past the popular myths of that era and uncovered the true nature of the oratory of the times.In this sequel to that earlier volume, Braden and seven other speech scholars examine the oratory of accommodation that dominated the southern forum in the post-Civil War years. Speakers of this era, they find, had to overcome problems of spirit and morale; their challenge was to build up the political and personal confidence of a people who were defeated. By the same token, these speakers had to adapt their oratory to outside influences that had the power to exert military pressure, withhold funds, and employ negative political coercion. The eight essays of the book are developed topically, and the issues of racism, women's rights, states' rights, industrialization, and education are delineated as they weave into the developing story of the New South. Among the topics dealt with are the promotion of cultural myths, the tactics of Henry W. Grady as a propagandist for the New South, the oratory of the United Confederate Veterans, and the emergence of women as speakers for reform.The oft-repeated myths and encouragements of the orators helped giver southerners the distinction they thought lost, a sense of nationalism. Once created, this cohesive regionalism wrought a power, pride, and prestige so strong that they defied challenge and made many southerners impervious to change and progress until well after 1950. Oratory in the New South reveals many sources of the South's modern self-concept and stands as a unique account of this formative period.

Global Histories of Work is the first title in the new series "Work in Global and Historical Perspective". This collection of selected articles written by leading scholars in different disciplines provides both an introduction and numerous insights into themes, debates and methods of Global Labour History as they have been developed over the last years. The contributions to the volume discuss crucial historiographical developments; present different professions that have gained new attention in the context of an emerging Global Labour History; critically engage the boundaries of "free" labour and the ambiguities contained in this concept; and take up and historicize current debates about "informal labour". Global Histories of Work will familiarize readers with a burgeoning fi eld of high academic, social, and political relevance.

Cartoons can give us a pictorial history of Australia in a series ofcartoon 'time capsules'; they often hold a mirror up to Australian society.This book shows how cartoonists helped develop a visual vocabulary forAustralian life and culture--whether it is 'The Little Boy from Manly', alarrikin digger or Tony Abbott's red speedos. Inked:Australian Cartoons presents a selection ofthought-provoking cartoons from the National Library of Australia's extensivearchive, covering topics from the First Fleet to the present day. The bookshows readers the breadth of Australia's cartooning history, from historic subjectssuch as convict life, the goldfields, early royal visits and Ashes cricketstests, through the cartoon greats such as WillDyson, Bruce Petty, Michael Leunig, to contemporary cartoons by significant artists such as David Pope, JonKudelka, Judy Horacek, Cathy Wilcox and David Rowe. Inked shows how the role of cartoonists has shifted from illustrator tocommentator, skilfully capturing the controversial topics of the day. AuthorGuy Hansen shows how whether it be post-war politics and the demise of theLabor government, capital punishment, the Vietnam War, Indigenous affairs or changingrelationships with Britain and Asia, nothing has escaped our skilledcartoonists' satirical pens.

A Pulitzer Prize-winning history of the mistreatment of black Americans. In this 'precise and eloquent work' - as described in its Pulitzer Prize citation - Douglas A. Blackmon brings to light one of the most shameful chapters in American history - an 'Age of Neoslavery' that thrived in the aftermath of the Civil War through the dawn of World War II. Using a vast record of original documents and personal narratives, Blackmon unearths the lost stories of slaves and their descendants who journeyed into freedom after the Emancipation Proclamation and then back into the shadow of involuntary servitude thereafter. By turns moving, sobering and shocking, this unprecedented account reveals these stories, the companies that profited the most from neoslavery, and the insidious legacy of racism that reverberates today.

Up from the Mudsills of Hell analyzes agrarian activism in Tennessee from the 1870s to 1915 within the context of farmers’ lives, community institutions, and familial and communal networks. Locating the origins of the agrarian movements in the state’s late antebellum and post-Civil War farm economy, Connie Lester traces the development of rural reform from the cooperative efforts of the Grange, the Agricultural Wheel, and the Farmers’ Alliance through the insurgency of the People’s Party and the emerging rural bureaucracy of the Cooperative Extension Service and the Tennessee Department of Agriculture. Lester ties together a rich and often contradictory history of cooperativism, prohibition, disfranchisement, labor conflicts, and third-party politics to show that Tennessee agrarianism was more complex and threatening to the established political and economic order than previously recognized. As farmers reached across gender, racial, and political boundaries to create a mass movement, they shifted the ground under the monoliths of southern life. Once the Democratic Party had destroyed the insurgency, farmers responded in both traditional and progressive ways. Some turned inward, focusing on a localism that promoted--sometimes through violence--rigid adherence to established social boundaries. Others, however, organized into the Farmers’ Union, whose membership infiltrated the Tennessee Department of Agriculture and the Cooperative Extension Service. Acting through these bureaucracies, Tennessee agrarian leaders exerted an important influence over the development of agricultural legislation for the twentieth century. Up from the Mudsills of Hell not only provides an important reassessment of agrarian reform and radicalism in Tennessee, but also links this Upper South state into the broader sweep of southern and American farm movements emerging in the late nineteenth century.

In 1919 the NAACP organized a voting bloc powerful enough to compel the city of Atlanta to budget $1.5 million for the construction of schools for black students. This victory would have been remarkable in any era, but in the context of the Jim Crow South it was revolutionary. Schooling Jim Crow tells the story of this little-known campaign, which happened less than thirteen years after the Atlanta race riot of 1906 and just weeks before a wave of anti-black violence swept the nation in the summer after the end of World War I. Despite the constant threat of violence, Atlanta’s black voters were able to force the city to build five black grammar schools and Booker T. Washington High School, the city’s first publicly funded black high school. Schooling Jim Crow reveals how they did it and why it matters. In this pathbreaking book, Jay Driskell explores the changes in black political consciousness that made the NAACP’s grassroots campaign possible at a time when most black southerners could not vote, let alone demand schools. He reveals how black Atlantans transformed a reactionary politics of respectability into a militant force for change. Contributing to this militancy were understandings of class and gender transformed by decades of racially segregated urban development, the 1906 Atlanta race riot, Georgia’s disfranchisement campaign of 1908, and the upheavals of World War I. On this cultural foundation, black Atlantans built a new urban black politics that would become the model for the NAACP’s political strategy well into the twentieth century.

A WORLD APART: An Epic Novel From Ireland's Past - The Michael Dwyer Story continues... - (Book 3 of THE LIBERTY TRILOGY) **** They thought they had killed him – on the same winter night his friend Sam McAllister had been shot dead on the hillside of Derrynamuck – they had chased Michael and seen a trail of his blood in the snow. Oh yes, the young rebel captain was dead and gone, and would cause no further trouble to them – the hated militia who raped and burned houses at will and treated the people of Wicklow like some dirt that kept getting under their boots. Desperate for his protection from the militia’s brutality, only the people refused to believe that Michael Dwyer was dead. To them he was like a prince – `aye, a prince, same as a king’s son’ – and if Michael had been killed, all his friends would have been in mourning, but they were not. Too many times they had seen the small, secret smiles of Michael’s friends when the militia gloated over his death. And then there was Mary – his beautiful Mary who had adored him – why was she not looking in any way heart-broken? Why was she just carrying on with her life as normal? No, the people concluded, Michael was not dead – injured maybe, a whole lot of bullets had flown towards him that night at Derrynamuck – but he had been dodging bullets for years and not one had ever reached him. No, only the stupid militia would believe that Michael had been defeated – the whole dumb pack of them. **** In her historical `faction’ novels, Gretta Curran Browne tells the story of actual people and actual events and, apart from using a few minor fictional characters, she does not change history or distort the true stories of the worthy people she has “reclaimed” from history to bring to a present-day audience. When first published in hardback, Tread Softly On My Dreams and Fire On The Hill were bought by the University of Notre Dame in the USA, The National Library of Ireland, and The Princess Grace Irish Library in the Palace of Monaco.