An innovative collaborative research project conducted jointly at Durham University and the Istitut fA r deutsche Sprache in Mannheim, Germany. It focuses on the study of public debates on economic and political integration of Europe, in both Britain and Germany and how these debates have developed in the post war period up to the 1990s. The following topics are investigated: Euro-discourse and the new media, British national identity in the European context, representations of Germany in the context of European integration in Margaret Thatchera (TM)s autobiographies, European debates in post-World War II Germany, the European debate in and between Germany and Great Britain, the career of the neologism Euro in German Press Texts and the metaphorization of European politics. The study links to Internet implications, providing the basis for further contrastive and comparative research on public discourse in the field of European politics.

The book addresses the topic of EU legitimacy by exploring the forms, origins and effects of citizens' support to EU institutions. Through examining the wide-ranging levels of support, the authors show how these multi-faceted attitudes cast shade on the outdated, somewhat one-dimensional concept of Euroscepticism. Di Mauro and Memoli not only observe how political issues and the economic crisis affect public opinion, but also demonstrate how national contexts play a crucial role in shaping attitudes towards Europe at any level of support. This volume shows how the lack of accountability in the EU system makes it increasingly vulnerable to the negative effects of economic and societal shocks, and the 'national lens' that we view the EU through influences our voting choices.

This book sheds light on the future of the European Union in a critical context marked by what appears to be a “never-ending” crisis of leadership and legitimacy. Will anti-European views and their corollary, such as Euro-populism, Euro-denial, and Euro-cynicisms along with all types of nationalisms, crush or further consolidate the European project? The volume offers detailed analyses of various dimensions of Euroscepticism in the context of the greatest economic crisis in the history of the EU. Divided into four sections, the first brings together general theoretical and empirical perspectives on Euroscepticism, building on existing studies. The second section focuses on the effects of the current economic crisis on Eurosceptic attitudes, while the third explores the marginal impact of Euroscepticism by analysing this phenomenon in countries that have recently joined the EU, such as Romania, and others in which membership is a debated issue and which may use the former’s experience as a model, such as Turkey or Ukraine. Finally, the concluding part discusses the consequences of Euroscepticism for the unity of Europe and the global role and relevance of the EU.

With growing levels of Euroscepticism across EU member states, grasping the roots of opposition to European integration has become more important than ever. This book charts public perceptions of the European Union in both the EU-15 and the new member states and introduces an identity-based model to explain mass Euroscepticism.

This 1986 study presents an insightful perspective on public attitudes towards the European Community. It contains a review of the findings from public opinion surveys of the time on this issue, but goes beyond straightforward description to provide a real understanding of European attitudes. A variety of social-psychological theories are used to test a model of the structure underlying Community attitudes. The original data reported in the present study parallel the findings from much larger, representative and long-term surveys of public opinion. Thus Miles Hewstone is able to derive from his research a wide-ranging analysis of cross-national differences in attitudinal support, the Community's impact on its citizens, and the likely trends in attitude and voting behaviour. At a time when the entry of Spain and Portugal had further expanded the Community's membership, such issues were particularly timely and this clear and penetrating study especially welcome.

This comparative volume provides a comprehensive cross-national account of media coverage and public attitudes toward migration both within and into the European Union. Using empirical research from across Germany, Hunary, Poland, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom, Media and Public Attitudes Toward Migration in Europe offers an in-depth exploration of one of the most prominent social and political topics of the decade in Europe. Drawing on a large scale, cross-national panel survey, experiments, and media content analysis of migration discourse in both traditional news media and social media, expert contributors from across the continent investigate topics such as the linguistic features of migration coverage, the public perception of migrants, and the effects of journalistic communication strategies. Other topics addressed include a discussion of news framing effects on migration coverage and politicians’ postings on social media coverage about the issue. This is a valuable resource for academics, students, and policymakers interested in media coverage of migration, news framing effects, and public attitudes to migration generally. .

How do Muslim citizens across the globe perceive the European Union? And what factors influence their EU attitudes? This book offers the first systematic theoretical and empirical analysis of Muslim citizens’ EU attitudes in and outside the European Union. Using the best empirical data available, the book demonstrates that Muslim citizens’ attitudes are not shaped by their denomination and religious beliefs, but by material and political considerations. It finds that Muslims are most favourable toward the EU due to their positive experiences in European contexts, whereas in contrast, Muslim citizens outside the EU are more skeptical toward the European Union due to sovereignty concerns and the lack of support from the EU and its member states. Such findings not only contribute to the research on social legitimacy of international organizations and international public opinion more generally, but also provide important suggestions for (European) policy makers regarding external and domestic policies. This book will be of key interest to scholars, students and practitioners of European Union politics, Middle East studies, public opinion and International Relations.

The Open Access version of this book, available at http://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/e/9781003046653, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license. This book unveils the significant impact of the European integration process on the political thinking of European citizens. With close attention to the interrelation between social and political divisions, it shows that an integrated Europe promotes consensus but also propagates growing dissent among its citizens, with both objective inequalities and the subjective perception of these inequalities fuelling political dissent. Based on original data sets developed from two EU-funded projects across eight and nine European countries, the volume demonstrates the important role played by the social structure of European social space in conditioning political attitudes and preferences. It shows, in particular, that Europeans are highly sensitive to unequal living conditions between European countries, thus affecting their political support of national politics and the European Union. As such, it will appeal to scholars of sociology and politics with interests in Europe and the European Union, European integration and political sociology.

Seminar paper from the year 2005 in the subject Politics - Region: Eastern Europe, grade: 1,0, University of Latvia (Department of Political Science), course: Politics and Policy in Baltic States, language: English, abstract: The paper will be divided in two main parts: The first part is about the structures and the functions of the EU institutions. This presentation will be focused on three institutions of the EU: The European Commission, The Council of the European Union and The European Parliament, due to the fact that this “institutional triangle” produces the policies and laws that apply throughout the EU. Any of these institutions will be introduced in an own subchapter by explaining their composition, procedures and functions. [...] Important to mention is that the “Council of the European Union” should not to be confused with the “Council of Europe”, an organisation separate from the EU with a wider membership, or with the “European Council”, the meeting of the heads of state and government of the EU together with members of the Commission (Archer 2000:44). In the following the terms “Council” and “Council of Ministers” are only used as synonyms for “The Council of the European Union”. The presentation of the institutions of the EU will be followed by an overview about the EU accession procedures of the three Baltic States. This chapter will be introduced by a short description of the official regulations to become a member of the EU, more precisely a description of “the eight stages to EU”. These mentioned backgrounds are essential for the following second part of the paper, the empirical analyse of the attitudes of the Baltic population to the European Union. It is mainly based on aggregate data of several editions of the Eurobarometer, which will be introduced in an own section. Other, also on aggregate data based surveys, are used, if they show significant different results or if they contain some interesting aspects they are not mentioned in the Eurobarometer. It is important to mention that the using of such aggregate data does not allow autonomous calculations of correlations between age groups, levels of education and the opinion to European Union for example. To use correlations like these for the argumentation we are relied on mentioned ones in the available reports. Subsequently the attitudes to different questions asked in these surveys will be analysed by looking at first separately to the results of every country. Afterwards the results of the Baltic States will be compared with those ones from other New Member States on the one hand and with results from the “Old Member States” on the other hand.