This book deals with the waves of revolutions in North Africa labelled as the Arab Spring. Each of the countries in the region was affected by the Arab Spring and has experienced specific processes and consequences. Due to the complexity of the phenomenon, any kind of comprehensive research and analyses need an interdisciplinary approach to deal with the Arab Spring from multiple perspectives. This volume brings together a group of scholars from various disciplines covering different aspects of the revolutionary changes in the North African countries. Beyond the Arab Spring in North Africa collects diverse studies with an emphasis on specificity. Chapters deal with a wide range of topics that include both minor as well as major themes. These include the formation of youth movement in Egypt long before the Arab Spring and their subsequent participation in the revolution; analysis of Tunisian women’s participation in Arab Spring events; spatial disparities in Tunisia and their impact on the revolution with special focus on Sidi Bouzid as one of the socio-economically weakest areas; rights and social status of sexual minorities in Tunisia; polemics over the role of New Media as both revolutionary and contra-revolutionary tools; broader discussion over the prospects for multilateral cooperation and regional integration in the studied area; reflection of the Arab Spring in the Czech media; impact of the work of ‘Ali ‘Abd al-Raziq on the debates over political secularism in Islamic society; as well as a general debate over democratization in North Africa, or Arab states as such. Beyond the Arab Spring in North Africa will find its readers in all relevant social sciences dealing in various contexts with the contemporary North Africa.

"Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar, Center for International and Regional Studies"--Title page.

This book addresses issues surrounding the evolution of the Arab Spring in North Africa. After a general introduction and explanation of the events on a region-wide basis, it turns to examine aspects of each of the countries concerned. The role of the Muslim Brotherhood during the Nasser regime and in the contemporary situation is compared, together with an analysis of the emergence of new political parties in Egypt. The book analyses the links between social media and satellite television during the revolution in Egypt. This is followed by a study of the intellectual and cultural background to the Tunisian revolution and an analysis of the new political parties in Tunisia. It also looks at the revolution process in Libya and concludes with a study of why there was no revolution in Algeria and how the Moroccan monarchy was able to sideline those who challenged it at the price of constitutional changes that are essentially cosmetic. This book was originally published as a special issue of The Journal of North African Studies.

Social Currents in North Africa is a multi-disciplinary analysis of the social phenomena unfolding in the Maghreb today. The contributors analyse the genealogies of contemporary North African behavioral and ideological norms, and offer insights into post-Arab Spring governance and today's social and political trends. The book situates regional developments within broader international currents, without forgoing the distinct features of each socio-historical context. With its common historical, cultural, and socio-economic foundations, the Maghreb is a cohesive area of study that allows for greater understanding of domestic developments from both single-country and comparative perspectives. This volume refines the geo-historical unity of the Maghreb by accounting for social connections, both within the nation-state and across political boundaries and historical eras. It illustrates that non-institutional phenomena are equally formative to the ongoing project of post-colonial sovereignty, to social construction and deployments of state power, and to local outlooks on social equity, economic prospects, and cultural identity.

Beginning in January 2011, the Arab world exploded in a vibrant demand for dignity, liberty, and achievable purpose in life, rising up against an image and tradition of arrogant, corrupt, unresponsive authoritarian rule. These previously unpublished, countryspecific case studies of the uprisings and their still unfolding political aftermaths identify patterns and courses of negotiation and explain why and how they occur. The contributors argue that in uprisings like the Arab Spring negotiation is "not just a 'nice' practice or a diplomatic exercise." Rather, it is a "dynamically multilevel" process involving individuals, groups, and states with continually shifting priorities--and with the prospect of violence always near. From that perspective, the essaysits analyze a range of issues and events--including civil disobedience and strikes, mass demonstrations and nonviolent protest, and peaceful negotiation and armed rebellion--and contextualize their findings within previous struggles, both within and outside the Middle East. The Arab countries discussed include Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, Syria, Tunisia, and Yemen. The Arab Spring uprisings are discussed in the context of rebellions in countries like South Africa and Serbia, while the Libyan uprising is also viewed in terms of the negotiations it provoked within NATO. Collectively, the essays analyze the challenges of uprisers and emerging governments in building a new state on the ruins of a liberated state; the negotiations that lead either to sustainable democracy or sectarian violence; and coalition building between former political and military adversaries. Contributors: Samir Aita (Monde Diplomatique), Alice Alunni (Durham University), Marc Anstey* (Nelson Mandela University), Abdelwahab ben Hafaiedh (MERC), Maarten Danckaert (European-Bahraini Organization for Human Rights), Heba Ezzat (Cairo University), Amy Hamblin (SAIS), Abdullah Hamidaddin (King's College), Fen Hampson* (Carleton University), Roel Meijer (Clingendael), Karim Mezran (Atlantic Council), Bessma Momani (Waterloo University), Samiraital Pres (Cercle des Economistes Arabes), Aly el Raggal (Cairo University), Hugh Roberts (ICG/Tufts University), Johannes Theiss (Collège d'Europe), Sinisa Vukovic (Leiden University), I. William Zartman* (SAIS-JHU). [* Indicates group members of the Processes of International Negotiation (PIN) Program at Clingendael, Netherland]

It has been almost five years now since a new collective consciousness of Arab masses transformed the political landscape of the Middle East and North Africa. In just a short period of time, the people of the Arab world protested against their rulers, putting an end to long-time authoritarian leaders in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen, while bringing others to the eve of collapse. Although the uprisings were initially successful, the people's strong will to see honour, dignity, rights, and good governance realized within their respective countries was fiercely combated by the ruling strata of these states and their strategies to ensure authoritarian survival. The changing political landscape and the dynamic processes of the Arab Spring have caught the attention of academics as well. There is a blossoming literature being written on the Arab Spring focusing on social protests, authoritarian resilience and learning, opposition strategies, the rise of non-state actors, state failure, foreign policy, and new the geopolitical landscape. Therefore, with the desire to contribute to this literature, this edited volume aims to address the changing political atmosphere and the challenges of the emerging geopolitical order, particularly focusing on Turkish foreign policy and its response to the Arab Spring. This book was originally published as a special issue of the Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies.

This work explains elite behaviour in authoritarian systems and proposes why elites withdraw their support for the incumbent when faced with popular uprisings. Building upon foundations drawn from institutional authoritarianism and synthesised with local context from the substantial scholarship on the Middle East and North Africa, the book argues that the elite supporting autocrats come from three distinct cadres: the military, the single-party and the personalist. Each of these cadres possesses its own distinct institutional interests and preferences towards regime change. Drawing on these interests, the study constructs a theoretical framework that is assessed through testing it against three variables. Utilising an analytic narrative, the research finds that the withdrawal of elite support is the consequence of long-term processes that see distinct cadres marginalised. First, increased incumbent preference for personalist elements destabilises regimes as the military and single-party cadres reconsider their positions. Second, neoliberal economic policies, implemented via structural adjustment, accelerated this personalisation as the state’s withdrawal from the economy. This, in turn, affected the ability of the military and single-party elites to access patronage. Finally, the degree of military involvement in the formal political sphere contributes to shaping the nature of the system that replaced the incumbent regime under examination. Building upon a wide range of literature the book argues that interest realisation determines whether or not elite actors support regime change in authoritarian systems. The volume will be of interest to scholars researching politics, social sciences and the Middle East.

With the financial meltdown and the economic crisis in their fifth year already no one can any longer be in doubt about their exceptional gravity, their truly global impact and their profound effects hurting vulnerable groups and the very poor especially. As the world looks for an exit from this economic crisis – the worst in eight decades – the focus of attention is naturally on the causes, the factors that account for its wide reach and severity, as well as on strategies that might bring it to a closure. The quest for exit strategies is at the very centre of the issues and concerns explored in the present volume, produced by the IIAS. Like the preceding volumes, but even more emphatically, this volume, representing a collective endeavour of scholars and practitioners from many parts of the globe, finds cause to lay the blame, for our difficult predicament, on the institutional deficit, the policies, the practices and values that have followed in the trail of a highly misleading and erroneous model of governance. The «Market Model of Governance» as it is known, sought to reform, the structures and culture of administration and government in private sector ways. While instrumental values like efficiency and effectiveness were raised and praised profusely, those of democratic governance were discounted by comparison. In particular, integrity, the rule of law and due process, equity, legality and public service professionalism suffered a steep decline, in several parts of the world. Likewise, the invasion and the capture of public space, inevitably led to an unprecedented surge of greed, abuse and corruption that contributed directly to the crisis which is upon us. Looking for exit strategies, as its title aptly suggests, the present volume offers a rich menu of ideas drawn from the current experience of all the world ́s main regions. Not surprisingly, two concepts stand out throughout the book as necessary correctives, as well as pressing remedies to the world ́s ongoing malaise. They call for the recapture of our common administrative space and the reaffirmation of the values and virtues appropriate for democratic governance. To the IIAS, none perhaps are more important than public service professionalism and none other can contribute more effectively to the reform and consolidation of sound institutions for national, sub national, global and regional governance. For these reasons, at this juncture, the new volume like the others should be featured in every public library and become a vademecum of all scholars and practitioners of public administration and politics around the world.

Centering on women's movements before, during, and after the revolutions, Women's Movements in Post-"Arab Spring" North Africa highlights the broader sources of authority that affected the emergence of new feminist actors and agents and their impact on the sociopolitical landscapes of the region.

The 2011 Arab uprisings and their subsequent aftermath have thrown into question some of our long-held assumptions about the foundational aspects of the Arab state. While the regional and international consequences of the uprisings continue to unfold with great unpredictability, their ramifications for the internal lives of the states in which they unfolded are just as dramatic and consequential. States historically viewed as models of strength and stability have been shaken to their foundations. Borders thought impenetrable have collapsed; sovereignty and territoriality have been in flux. This book examines some of the central questions facing observers and scholars of the Middle East concerning the nature of power and politics before and after 2011 in the Arab world. The focus of the book revolves around the very nature of politics and the exercise of power in the Arab world, conceptions of the state, its functions and institutions, its sources of legitimacy, and basic notions underlying it such as sovereignty and nationalism. Inside the Arab State adopts a multi-disciplinary approach, examining a broad range of political, economic, and social variables. It begins with an examination of politics, and more specifically political institutions, in the Arab world from the 1950s on, tracing the travail of states, and the wounds they inflicted on society and on themselves along the way, until the eruption of the 2011 uprisings. The uprisings, the states' responses to them, and efforts by political leaders to carve out for themselves means of legitimacy are also discussed, as are the reasons for the emergence and rise of Daesh and the Islamic State. Power, I argue, and increasingly narrow conceptions of it in terms of submission and conformity, remains at the heart of Arab politics, popular protests and yearnings for change notwithstanding. Much has changed in the Arab world over the last several decades. But even more has stayed the same.