Burundi has experienced conflict throughout most of its history since independence in 1962. The violence has generally been interpreted as ethnic, but, as this Report demonstrates has in fact been of a distinctly political nature, manipulated by elites wishing to capture or maintain power. Ethnicity has proved a strong mobilising force where a numerical minority – the Tutsi – currently controls much of the state, including the army; and the numerical majority – the Hutu – are politically and economically marginalized. Please note that the terminology in the fields of minority rights and indigenous peoples’ rights has changed over time. MRG strives to reflect these changes as well as respect the right to self-identification on the part of minorities and indigenous peoples. At the same time, after over 50 years’ work, we know that our archive is of considerable interest to activists and researchers. Therefore, we make available as much of our back catalogue as possible, while being aware that the language used may not reflect current thinking on these issues.

Results of the 2007 Nuremberg Conference on Peace and Justice: Tensions between peace and justice have long been debated by scholars, practitioners and agencies including the United Nations, and both theory and policy must be refined for very practical application in situations emerging from violent conflict or political repression. Specific contexts demand concrete decisions and approaches aimed at redress of grievance and creation of conditions of social justice for a non-violent future. There has been definitive progress in a world in which blanket amnesties were granted at times with little hesitation. There is a growing understanding that accountability has pragmatic as well as principled arguments in its favour. Practical arguments as much as shifts in the norms have created a situation in which the choice is increasingly seen as "which forms of accountability" rather than a stark choice between peace and justice. It is socio-political transformation, not just an end to violence, that is needed to build sustainable peace. This book addresses these dilemmas through a thorough overview of the current state of legal obligations; discussion of the need for a holistic approach including development; analysis of the implications of the coming into force of the ICC; and a series of "hard" case studies on internationalized and local approaches devised to navigate the tensions between peace and justice.

This textbook provides a comprehensive overview of different methods and sources of information-gathering for peace and conflict students and researchers, as well as the challenges presented by such work. Research on conflict-ridden societies carries special challenges for the collection and evaluation of information about the conflict and its actors. First, due to the nature of information emerging, incentives to misrepresent and propaganda is common. News coverage is sometimes poor and reporting is often incomplete, selective and biased. Second, the sensitivity of the topic and the questions posed in peace and conflict research means that access to and the security of informants can be a problem. Peace and conflict research as a discipline encompasses a number of different approaches for obtaining empirical information which serve as a basis for analyzing various research topics. This book provides a comprehensive overview of different methods and sources of information-gathering for students and researchers, as well as the challenges presented by such work. It offers: tools for evaluating sources and information suggestions on where different types of information can be found advice on using different types of sources, including news reports and written narratives practical guidelines for constructing large-scale datasets insights and guidelines for comparative fieldwork, in-depth interviews, focus groups, and surveys reflection and discussion on important ethical concerns in peace research This book will be of much interest for students and researchers of peace and conflict studies, conflict resolution, war and conflict studies, development studies, security studies and IR, as well as for NGO workers/researchers. Kristine Höglund is Associate Professor at the Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University. She has a PhD in Peace and Conflict Research from Uppsala University Sweden (2004). She is author of Peacemaking in the Shadow of Violence. Magnus Öberg is Associate Professor at the Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University, and Associate Editor of the Journal of Peace Research (since 2006). He has a PhD in Peace and Conflict Research from Uppsala University (2003) and is co-editor of Resources, Governance, and Civil Conflict (Routledge, 2008).

This book concerns the United Nations’ peacemaking, peacekeeping, peace-building, and post-conflict reconstruction efforts in Africa from 1960 to 2021. Succinctly discussed are historic and contemporary peace, security, and economic engagements within 18 countries spanning eight African regions: the Great Lakes; the Economic Community of Central African States; East Africa; the Horn of Africa; North Africa; the Sahel Region; West Africa; and Southern Africa. The book develops a neo-realist and imperialist critique that discusses how resource-rich, conflict-ridden states have become easy targets for capitalists, terrorists, and transnational crime, aligned to geostrategic parochial interests. Critically argued is that endogenous economic growth factors, if applied effectively, can achieve both peace and security, and meet the Global Sustainable Development Goals. Such efforts require constructive engagement with the five permanent members of the UN Security Council: China, France, Russia, the UK, and the US. However, the book contends that the cornerstone of multilateral engagement involves Africa’s 55 states and the African Union’s three major pillars: the Peace and Security Council, the African Governance Architecture, and the Post-Conflict Reconstruction Development Centre, which have the ability to move resource-rich, conflict-ridden states out of transnational crime and poverty. This book offers wide-ranging analyses of contemporary African diplomacy and a compelling critique of UN peacekeeping efforts in Africa, which resonates to scholars of international relations, peace and conflict studies, and African politics.

We take you on a discovery of the root causes of African conflicts; the attempts by continental organizations such as the Organization of African Unity to resolve these conflicts; the reasons for the inability of the OAU/AU to succeed in conflict resolution; the root causes of the Burundi Conflict; the Burundi Peace process as a reflection of how conflicts are resolved in Africa and why we think it does not lead to sustainable peace which we term "negative peace." Burundi's Negative Peace explores the largely unknown area of negative peace in Africa and specifically Burundi in the wake of the manner in which conflicts are resolved throughout the continent. The use of mediation among warring parties, the implementation of ceasefire agreements, the establishment of a transitional government and the organization of elections has been the conflict resolution trajectory that has been religiously applied in resolving African conflicts. What then is the missing link? The authors fervently believe that the above mentioned techniques do not lead to sustainable peace. In fact it leads to negative peace which is not peace at all. The peace studies' theorist, Galtung, decreed that "Peace is not the absence of violence, but peace of mind."

By conservative estimates about 50 million migrants are currently living outside of their home communities, forced to flee to obtain some measure of safety and security. In addition to persecution, human rights violations, repression, conflict, and natural and human-made disasters, current causes of forced migration include environmental and development-induced factors. Today's migrants include the internally displaced, a category that has only recently entered the international lexicon. But the legal and institutional system created in the aftermath of World War II to address refugee movements is now proving inadequate to provide appropriate assistance and protection to the full range of forced migrants needing attention today. The Uprooted is the first volume to methodically examine the progress and persistent shortcomings of the current humanitarian regime. The authors, all experts in the field of forced migration, describe the organizational, political, and conceptual shortcomings that are creating the gaps and inefficiencies of international and national agencies to reach entire categories of forced migrants. They make policy-based recommendations to improve international, regional, national, and local responses in areas including organization, security, funding, and durability of response. For all those working on behalf of the world's forced migrants, The Uprooted serves as a call to arms, emphasizing the urgent need to develop more comprehensive and cohesive strategies to address forced migration in its complexity.

This collection of peace education efforts in conflict and post-conflict societies brings together an international group of scholars to offer the very latest theoretical and pedagogical developments. Rather than focus on ad hoc peace education efforts this book investigates the need for long term, systemic approaches and innovative pedagogies.

This book explains why successful international peacebuilding depends on the unorthodox actions of country-based staff, whose deviations from approved procedures help make global governance organizations accountable to local realities. Using rich ethnographic material from several countries, it will interest scholars, students, and policymakers.

Civil wars vary greatly in their duration. This book argues that conflicts are longer when they involve more actors who can block agreement (veto players) and identifies specific problems that arise in multi-party bargaining. Quantitative analysis of over 200 civil wars since World War II reveals that conflicts with more of these actors last much longer than those with fewer. Detailed comparison of negotiations in Rwanda and Burundi demonstrates that multi-party negotiations present additional barriers to peace not found in two party conflicts. In addition, conflicts with more veto players produce more casualties, are more likely to involve genocide and are followed by shorter periods of peace. Because they present many barriers to peace, the international community has a poor track record of resolving multi-party conflicts. David Cunningham shows that resolution is possible in these wars if peace processes are designed to address the barriers that emerge in multi-party conflicts.