We take you on a discovery of the root causes of African conflicts; the attempts by continental organizations such as the Organization of African Unity to resolve these conflicts; the reasons for the inability of the OAU/AU to succeed in conflict resolution; the root causes of the Burundi Conflict; the Burundi Peace process as a reflection of how conflicts are resolved in Africa and why we think it does not lead to sustainable peace which we term "negative peace." Burundi's Negative Peace explores the largely unknown area of negative peace in Africa and specifically Burundi in the wake of the manner in which conflicts are resolved throughout the continent. The use of mediation among warring parties, the implementation of ceasefire agreements, the establishment of a transitional government and the organization of elections has been the conflict resolution trajectory that has been religiously applied in resolving African conflicts. What then is the missing link? The authors fervently believe that the above mentioned techniques do not lead to sustainable peace. In fact it leads to negative peace which is not peace at all. The peace studies' theorist, Galtung, decreed that "Peace is not the absence of violence, but peace of mind."

What is the relationship between leadership and peace? What kind of leadership styles, processes and strategies are required to gain a deeper understanding of local context while at the same time maintaining the trust and cooperation of host authorities and other stakeholders on the ground? As concerns mount about the continued relevance and efficiency of UN peace operations, Youssef Mahmoud – who led several challenging peace missions in Africa – draws on many years of experience to offer insights into how political leadership might be exercised to help restore and nurture peace. Mahmoud makes the case for a paradigm shift in the type of leadership required to bring about strong, global diplomacy for peace. Making extensive use of the authors' unique personal experiences in Burundi, Central African Republic and Chad, the book offers an unparalleled insight into the leadership challenges of complex and often seemingly intractable conflict situations.

Examining the shortcomings of eliciting sustainable intra-state peace through the UN system and the underlying positive peace paradigm of the liberal traditions, the book maintains that a novel positive peace vision and framework under the auspices of the UN is warranted. Building upon grievance-based explanations of violent conflicts and conflict transformation research, this book develops a comprehensive positive peace framework that involves the early tackling of identity divisions (i.e. Fundamental Conflicts) through UN facilitated deliberative and dialogical processes at the 1.5 track diplomacy level. This framework is designed to complement current UN post-conflict peacebuilding and structural prevention practice. By dealing both with how to operationalise early conflict prevention in a workable manner and developing a comprehensive yet viable positive peace approach, this book entails an extensive interdisciplinary approach and new in-depth analyses of the wide-ranging normative and policy aspects of the quest of elevating positive peace to a core objective of UN practice.

Costliness, excessive delay, bias against the weak, corruption, underfunding, insufficiency of legal skills and shortage of training programmes (for the judicial staff in its diversity), complexity of legal rules and procedures, including the language of both the law and the Court, dependency vis-à-vis the political authorities; these are flaws documented as hindering equal and effective access to Burundi’s formal state court justice system. This book argues that engaging with out-of-court justice in Burundi’s legal pluralism model may positively impact on people’s access to justice, particularly for the poor and the underprivileged.

The smartphone and social media have transformed Africa, allowing people across the continent to share ideas, organise, and participate in politics like never before. While both activists and governments alike have turned to social media as a new form of political mobilization, some African states have increasingly sought to clamp down on the technology, introducing restrictive laws or shutting down networks altogether. Drawing on over a dozen new empirical case studies – from Kenya to Somalia, South Africa to Tanzania – this collection explores how rapidly growing social media use is reshaping political engagement in Africa. But while social media has often been hailed as a liberating tool, the book demonstrates how it has often served to reinforce existing power dynamics, rather than challenge them. Featuring experts from a range of disciplines from across the continent, this collection is the first comprehensive overview of social media and politics in Africa. By examining the historical, political, and social context in which these media platforms are used, the book reveals the profound effects of cyber-activism, cyber-crime, state policing and surveillance on political participation.

This detailed and timely examination of fundamental issues of statehood and recognition, self-determination and the rights of indigenous peoples includes analysis of some of the most controversial examples of disputed territorial status, including Kosovo and the Palestinian Authority.

When considering strategies to address violent conflict, scholars and policymakers debate the wisdom of recognizing versus avoiding reference to ethnic identities in government institutions. In Diversity, Violence, and Recognition, Elisabeth King and Cyrus Samii examine the reasons that governments choose to recognize ethnic identities and the consequences of such choices for peace. The authors introduce a theory on the merits and risks of recognizing ethnic groups in state institutions, pointing to the crucial role of ethnic demographics. Through a global quantitative analysis and in-depth case studies of Burundi, Rwanda, and Ethiopia, they find promise in recognition. Countries that adopt recognition go on to experience less violence, more economic vitality, and more democratic politics, but these effects depend on which ethnic group is in power. King and Samii's findings are important for scholars studying peace, democracy, and development, and practically relevant to policymakers attempting to make these concepts a reality.

Results of the 2007 Nuremberg Conference on Peace and Justice: Tensions between peace and justice have long been debated by scholars, practitioners and agencies including the United Nations, and both theory and policy must be refined for very practical application in situations emerging from violent conflict or political repression. Specific contexts demand concrete decisions and approaches aimed at redress of grievance and creation of conditions of social justice for a non-violent future. There has been definitive progress in a world in which blanket amnesties were granted at times with little hesitation. There is a growing understanding that accountability has pragmatic as well as principled arguments in its favour. Practical arguments as much as shifts in the norms have created a situation in which the choice is increasingly seen as "which forms of accountability" rather than a stark choice between peace and justice. It is socio-political transformation, not just an end to violence, that is needed to build sustainable peace. This book addresses these dilemmas through a thorough overview of the current state of legal obligations; discussion of the need for a holistic approach including development; analysis of the implications of the coming into force of the ICC; and a series of "hard" case studies on internationalized and local approaches devised to navigate the tensions between peace and justice.

This dynamic Companion brings together esteemed academics from across the globe to provide ten distinct approaches to peacebuilding in Africa. With a timely and forward-thinking approach to war and conflict, the book focuses on the utilisation of traditional African dialogue in contemporary peacebuilding, developing infrastructures, and education for peace with a transformative agenda.

Through a comparative analysis of six case studies, this volume illustrates key conflict-resolution techniques for peacebuilding. Outside parties learn how to facilitate cooperation by engaging local leaders in intensive, interactive workshops. These opposing leaders reside in small, ethnically divided countries, including Burundi, Cyprus, Estonia, Guyana, Sri Lanka, and Tajikistan, that have experienced communal conflicts in recent years. In Estonia and Guyana, peacebuilding initiatives sought to ward off violence. In Burundi and Sri Lanka, initiatives focused on ending ongoing hostilities, and in Cyprus and Tajikistan, these efforts brought peace to the country after its violence had ended. The contributors follow a systematic assessment framework, including a common set of questions for interviewing participants to prepare comparable results from a set of diverse cases. Their findings weigh the successes and failures of this particular approach to conflict resolution and draw conclusions about the conditions under which such interactive approaches work, as well as assess the audience and the methodologies used. This work features research conducted in conjunction with the Working Group on Preventing and Rebuilding Failed States, convened by the Wilson Center's Project on Leadership and Building State Capacity.