Two of the world’s most dangerous flashpoints, this edited volume with contributions by leading scholars offers a comprehensive evaluation and comparison of approaches to conflict management and prevention on the Korean Peninsula and in the Taiwan Strait. The consequences of any escalation of these two conflicts and the difficulties in resolving them necessitate a fresh look at designing new strategies to prevent and contain conflict as well as highlighting the limitations of existing measures. Presenting both a theoretical and practical examination of conflict prevention and management, the volume provides a comparative analysis of the Korean Peninsula and the Taiwan Strait-identifying lessons that could be transferred between the two cases but also the obstacles to this. The experiences of other regions and the role of third parties are also examined. This is a valuable addition to the literature for students of peace and conflict studies as well as policy-makers with an interest in Northeast Asia.

This Handbook explores the rapidly evolving and increasingly multifaceted relations between China and developing countries. Cutting-edge analyses by leading experts from around the world critically assess such timely issues as the ŠChina model�, Beijin

Using a case study based approach, Weissmann analyses the post-Cold War East Asian security setting to demonstrate why there is a paradoxical inter-state peace. He points out processes that have been important for the creation of a continuing relative peace in East Asia, as well as conflict prevention and peacebuilding mechanisms.

The work draws on wide-ranging area analysis to develop inductively new concepts and approaches for further use in explanation and application. Divided into two parts, it begins with analysis of revolution and socio-political unrest, followed by models of ethnic conflict and elite circulation in developing societies. It presents the cultural dialectic present in Islam. It then lays out the patterns of mediation and negotiation in managing and resolving conflict, culminating with an analysis of intractables. Part two on governance lays out the nature of world order, cooperation, and conciliation. It then turns to the challenges of identity, ideology, and interest, with some specific attention to the nature of borders and borderlands, and focuses on governance as conflict management and as negotiation. - This book encompasses a new analysis of a neglected part of International Relation, the prevention and management of conflict. - The book confronts sources and patterns of contentious politics with systems and methods of governance. - The book lays out a comprehensive conceptualization of the process of conflict management and negotiation, including questions of when as well as how.

This study offers a vital reappraisal of the trade relationship between north-east Asia and the Gulf. Writing from a non-western standpoint, Dargin and Lim make a compelling case for how these regions became economically integrated in the wake of the 1973 oil crisis.

China’s need for energy has become a driving factor in contemporary world politics and a precondition for sustaining China’s continuing high economic growth. Accordingly, Chinese energy policy has been a political and strategic rather than market-driven policy. This book focuses on the need of a stable and secure investment environment which is necessary for the energy provision of China from the Central Asian states. The author argues that the institutionalization of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (S.C.O.), the Friendship and Cooperation Treaty between Russia and China and Chinese bilateral agreements with individual Central Asian states present an avenue and a framework of stability in which pipeline construction can commence. With the backing of the US in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, Chinese involvement in the region has now been expanding. However, in order to stabilize the region for Chinese investment in energy resources, the author states that the US needs to be present in the region and that a strategic framework of cooperation between Russia, China and the US has to be developed. The book will be of interest to academics working in the field of International Security, International Relations and Central Asian and Chinese politics.

This report makes the point that in both Russia and China it is politics ââ¬" and not market or commercial considerations ââ¬" that largely drive energy relationships with each other and the outside world.à For both countries, energy and energy security is regarded as a strategic asset and/or objective that are at risk from outside forces.à The conditions that each state has attached to their energy policies ironically preclude the kind of easy cooperation seen in other strategic and political issues between Moscow and Beijing. In both Central and Northeast Asia, Russia has blocked Chinese efforts to realize its version of energy security, yet it has not been able to come up either with the resources or means for a coherent policy of supplying China with reliable quantities of energy that would lead China away from non-Russian producers.à The under-fulfilment of the potential for Russia to supply China will continue and continue as well to be a source of strain in their relationship.

Sino-Japanese relations are crucial for the entire East Asian region and beyond. With both countries among the five biggest economies in the world, and being highly interdependent, the bilateral relationship is of key importance not only for economic cooperation and prosperity in the region but in a larger global perspective. Moreover, Sino-Japanese political and military relations are central to the regional security of Northeast Asia. Any deterioration in relations has the potential to generate conflicts with far-reaching consequences. Accordingly, conflict prevention and conflict management in Sino-Japanese relations are of vital concern to the international community. In the past decade, however, the Sino-Japanese relationship has been increasingly marked by political strife and tension. While this has not escalated into military conflict and in spite of changes with the emergence of a new leader, Yasuo Fukuda, in Japan and a political reshuffle at the 17th Party Congress of the Chinese Communist Party in 2007, future developments are difficult to predict. Historical grievances and differing interpretations thereof play a large role in sustaining political tensions, which are reinforced by mutually negative perceptions at a grassroots level and a noticeable lack of trust. Japan’s occupation of parts of China in the first half of the 20th century and according to Chinese a failure by Japan to issue an apology remain a key obstacle to any improvement in relations. Tensions over contemporary issues have strong historical linkages and it is clear that problematic political relations have sub-optimized the economic potential between the two countries as well as heightened suspicions of each other’s military ambitions. More positively, business communities in both China and Japan have been pro-active in advocating improved cooperation and also a large majority of the ruling elite are eager to improve relations. Given the complex history and current power relations between the two countries, cultivating such will by no means be an easy task. Nevertheless, the authors hope that this book will help further understanding of Sino-Japanese relations and so contribute towards the development of mutually advantageous relations – a necessity in today’s world order.

Sino-Japanese relations have been on the mend since Shinzo Abe assumed the Japanese Prime Minister's office in September 2006. However, several issues continue to obstruct the building of long-term confidence between the two Asian giants. This book gives an overview of the current situation.